This paper presents a theory of surface case which bears a strong formal similarity to autosegmental theory in phonology and morphology. We suggest that surface case forms a tier which is autonomous of phrase structure—and which is associated with NP's of the PS tier by general principles analogous to those which associate tones with segments, or phonemic melodies with CV skeleta. We show that this theory permits parameterization of a variety of case systems, and thus provides some insight into how case might be characterized in Universal Grammar. The theory permits, most strikingly, a unification of Accusative and Ergative systems under one simple parameter, and explanation of the mysterious appearance of postverbal nominative case in the passives of certain Icelandic ditransitive verbs.

The principles of sentence grammar involved in the interpretation of the Korean anaphor caki ‘self’ are largely insensitive to the command-type relations which form a crucial part of binding theory for English and related languages. The principles required for Korean make reference to grammatical relations such as subject and object; to linear precedence; and to syntactic categories like NP, VP, and S. It is argued here that grammatical relations are defined structurally in Korean: complement phrases (e.g. direct and indirect objects) occur within VP, while subject phrases occur outside this phrasal category. This structural encoding of grammatical relations is maintained even in surface structure, with the consequence that Korean syntactic representations can include discontinuous constituents.

This paper addresses the question of the syntactic analysis of aspectual verbs in French from the point of view of two contrasting complementation structures: raising and control. Data generally overlooked in syntactic studies are given to show that specific constraints exist between aspectual verbs and the embedded predicate. It is argued that these constraints are relevant for the contrast between raising and control, and that they are complementary with the well-known contrasting properties of the matrix subject.

The paper also attempts to give a satisfactory account of the apparently unrelated syntactic and semantic characteristics of aspectual verbs. It is claimed that implicational universals, which are generally invoked to explain the semantics of these verbs, can also be used to account for their particular status from the viewpoint of syntactic complementation.

P[ossessive] A[djective]s in Slavonic, formed from nouns via suffixation, show unusual syntactic behavior. In Upper Sorbían, the form of attributive modifiers, relative pronouns, and personal pronouns can be controlled by the syntactic features of the noun underlying the PA. Control of attributive modifiers gives rise to phrases in which word structure and phrase structure do not match. The fact that the underlying noun is available for syntactic purposes suggests that PA formation is an inflectional process, while other factors (such as change of word-class membership) point just as clearly to a derivational process. It thus appears that any sharp differentiation between inflectional and derivational morphology must be abandoned. Data presented from all thirteen Slavonic languages, based on extensive work with native speakers, show that the control possibilities of the PA vary considerably. However, control of the attributive modifier is possible only if control of the relative pronoun is also possible, and that in turn only if control of the personal pronoun is possible. This result is subsumed under the constraints of the Agreement Hierarchy.

Had he not died suddenly on 26 August 1984, in his eightieth year, Stanley Newman would have been President of the Society in 1986, and his Presidential Address might well appear in this issue. In its stead, we memorialize the character of his achievements as one of the most gifted of Sapir's successors, whose career in a way typifies the experience of a whole group of that academic generation.