This study argues that both Shanghai and Taiwanese have a metrical system, that compound stress is left-headed in Shanghai and right-headed in Taiwanese and that a tonal domain is a metrical domain. It predicts tonal domains better than previous studies and explains some asymmetries between Shanghai and Taiwanese. It also supports the view that metrical structure can be determined in languages that lack data on phonetic stress. In addition, it shows that compound stress is not universal, contrary to the proposal of Cinque 1993. Finally, this study has implications for the theory of prosodic structure.

Most processual theories of morphology propose that inflectional operations apply to a pair involving a phonological form and a fully specified morphosyntactic feature array. This interpretation of inflectional operations denies the existence of any structure intervening between a stem and a word. Drawing on insights developed in information-based syntactic theories, this paper proposes an alternative processual theory. Articulated Morphology, which requires that inflectional operations apply to informationally impoverished representations and increase information. An analysis of Potawatomi verb morphology within this theory, contrasted with Anderson's 1992 analysis, shows that positing intervening structure has clear benefits.

This paper presents an analysis of the constraints on pronominal anaphora in English within the framework of Cognitive Grammar in terms of semantic distinctions between pronouns and full noun phrases. Semantic notions of prominence and conceptual interconnection are used to develop a model of conceptual reference points which defines the contexts within which coreference is acceptable or unacceptable. The analysis provides a conceptual-semantic account of the ‘core’ anaphora facts which have previously been explained in terms of structural notions such as c-command, as well as certain data which have long been problematic for structural accounts.