Under the guise of Swiss neutrality, the Swiss-based company Crypto AG for decades manufactured and supplied manipulated cipher machines to governments in over 120 States. The company was controlled by the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and the German Bundesnachrichtendienst (BND). The Swiss intelligence services had known about this intelligence operation since 1993 at the latest, had access to relevant information, and allowed the foreign intelligence services to continue their operation until 2018. For the permanently neutral State of Switzerland, this raises the question of how Operation RUBICON is to be assessed with regard to Switzerland's duties under the law of neutrality.

This author finds that it was unlikely that Switzerland, in its complicity in Operation RUBICON, violated its duties under the law of neutrality. However, if—and this is unlikely but cannot be completely ruled out—Crypto AG exported rigged cipher machines or offered maintenance services during (or immediately before) the Kosovo War in 1999 to the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, or during (or immediately before) the Iraq invasion in 2003 to the Republic of Iraq, Switzerland would have violated its duties under the law of neutrality. At the very least, Switzerland's complicity in Operation RUBICON plays into its image as a Western neutral and is therefore relevant in terms of Swiss neutrality policy. In any case, it is crucial for Switzerland to refrain from complying with intelligence operations such as Operation RUBICON and to preserve (guided by equidistance, international law, and Switzerland's humanitarian tradition) its permanent neutrality, even during today's challenging circumstances.

Not being myself either a linguist or a translator, the purpose of this speech will be to bring the testimony of a young researcher who must deal—during his master thesis or his PhD. Thesis—with: first, the problems one faces regarding legal translations, and second, the use of legal sources transcribed in a language that differs from one's first language. Finally, we will touch on the use of sources which are pre-translated.

Women in India have perpetually been the victims of sexual offenses. The data of the National Crime Records Bureau suggests that such offenses against women are prevalent in almost every part of the country. The year 2013 marked major reforms to the legal and judicial structure for addressing these sexual offenses against female victims. It was felt that special support agencies should be established under one roof to administer every kind of assistance these victims require. Victims should not be mandated to run from pillar to post seeking justice from various agencies and institutions; rather, assistance should be made available to them at one location. To aid and assist the victims of sexual offenses, the Justice Usha Mehra Commission of Inquiry1 was constituted by India's central government just after the horrific gang rape of a medical student in Delhi in 2012. The Commission recommended the establishment of One Stop Crisis Centres (OSCCs) to help victims of sexual offenses with their legal battles against their offenders. But a primary question has loomed about the effectiveness of such Centres on the ground level, given the lack of resources in our criminal justice enforcement system and a strained policing mechanism.

This article deliberates on the fundamental contours of roles and responsibilities to be performed by the OSCCs and deep dives into the investigation of factors presumably responsible for their less-than-desirable output, if any.

“I know that everyone is opposed to the idea of censorship of literary works. As for me, I believe that censorship can be justified, if it is exercised with probity and does not serve to cover up personal, racial or political persecution.” Thus pleaded Borges, with his taste, very paradoxical here, for provocation. The legitimization of a censorship which is “necessary” for society? This is perhaps also reflected by contemporary French law.

This article will be divided into two parts. First, I will demonstrate the importance of comparative law and legal culture by highlighting the “great principles of French public law”. I will then explore some of these major principles, based on the French and German conceptions of law, justice, the State, and democracy.

The development of globalization processes in the world economy allows reconciling supply and demand for staff regardless of the employee's country of origin and leads to international labor migration. The experience of highly developed countries shows that a country's economy and its subsequent growth largely depend on the effective recruitment and use of skilled labor. The COVID-19 pandemic has led to a drastic restriction on population mobility and, consequently, worsened the economic and social situations in countries where labor migration was a widespread phenomenon. The ensuing economic crisis has not only altered trends in labor migration but has also brought new challenges to its legal regulation. The article aims to determine the features of migration trends and policy in the COVID-19 environment, examine them in the context of new regulations adopted to protect the labor rights of migrants under the current circumstances, suggest effective measures to regulate the situation in the labor market, and address the economic crises in the countries of destination and origin. The examination of this issue involved a complex methodological framework where the general scientific dialectical method was central to the research. The conducted research provides a foundation for overcoming the social and economic crises caused by COVID-19, which contributes to its practical significance.

The name Antoine de Martres is unknown today to students at Toulouse Capitole University. No doubt other jurists such as Jacques Cujas, Maurice Hauriou and Gabriel Marty are more familiar to them in the amphitheater and the lecture theaters. This is perhaps due to Cujas’ contribution to legal humanism and the doctrinal reflection of the two former deans of the faculty of law.

This linguistic study contributes to the decades-long discussion on the inappropriateness of the Library of Congress Subject Heading illegal aliens by examining its absence in a corpus of US Supreme Court oral arguments and by evaluating automatic translation tool results related to keywords as well as a corpus extract. This linguistic study confirms the ideological bias of the illegal aliens subject heading compared to a plethora of other expressions that legal scholars may use to describe the situations implied under the more neutral umbrella term noncitizen. The automatic translation results for alien and illegal alien also support the notion that the term illegal alien is confined to a United States historical context, which hinders its international comprehension as a subject heading.

Private law is usually defined as all the rules of law which govern relationships between private individuals. Thus defined, it is opposite to public law and differentiated from ‘mixed law’ such as criminal law which has aspects of both. Of course, understanding private relationships between individuals, depend to a large extent on the country where they are observed and its history. French individualism (which of course does not exclude the general interest) which is notably embodied by the Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen of 1789 is doubtless at the heart of private law—I was going to say private law legislation—and is illustrated by the central place which is reserved for the law of private property. Private law therefore governs all relationships between individuals in all aspects of their lives: their private lives, their business relations, their working relationships, and so on.

To put it into perspective, the principal of secularism in France must be positioned at the intersection of three cardinal pillars: freedom, citizenship and what has founded them historically and what embodies them: the Republic. These three closely intertwined pillars where each supports the other, allows individuals and the national community to flourish, move forward, build, and develop. If one of them breaks down, the whole edifice is destabilized and with it freedoms, including the freedom of worship.

The State. This concept is impossible to avoid in France because the country built itself on (or around) this idea from the nineteenth century. Although the ‘State’ was initially ignored by the Revolution (which referred to the idea of the ‘sovereign nation’), the Revolution marked the beginning of the French administration which has continued to develop ever since. However, the administration as a remedy for the instability resulting from 1789, was a legal tool which changed with the regimes. An intellectual object was therefore necessary to support it and to guarantee its continuity and stability. This is where the interest in the State lies, if only in its etymological sense.