This article comparatively examines commentaries by sixteenth-century European reformers on the apostle Paul’s “allegory” in Galatians 4:21–31. Older scholarship on the reformers’ relationship to allegorical exegesis tended to view the reformers as strict literalists, leading to charges that Protestantism created an anti-figurative culture. More recent work, however, has frequently argued that the reformers in fact continued to subtly interpret the Bible allegorically, even to the point that some regularly contradicted their theoretical opposition to allegory in their actual exegetical practice. I argue that a close reading of the reformers’ commentaries on Galatians 4:21–31 challenges both of these interpretations. Rather than seeing the reformers as solely concerned with whether scripture should be read allegorically, this article points to a more nuanced set of questions that the reformers debated concerning the nature, status, and purposes of allegorical exegesis. Understanding these sixteenth-century questions supports seeing a high degree of consistency between various reformers’ hermeneutical theory and their exegetical practice, while also offering a much richer set of considerations for what it means to speak of the reformers’ spectrum of approaches to allegory than has typically been given. The reformers offered no unified approach to allegory but instead gave a rich variety of approaches to this perennial literary and exegetical conundrum.

This article examines the Halle-Herrnhut controversy from 1727 to 1737 by foregrounding the role of the Moravian mission program and the spiritual agency of lay believers in shaping ecclesiastical politics. Moving beyond the conventional focus on theological disputes and personal animosities between the Franckes and Count Zinzendorf, the analysis will examine how Moravian missionaries and common believers were represented and rhetorically mobilized within a transatlantic correspondence network as symbols of ecclesiastical disruption and spiritual populism. Drawing on unpublished German-language letters exchanged among Halle Pietists and their allies, the article reveals how concerns about denominational proximity, spiritual authority, and institutional control were rhetorically projected onto Moravian expansionary initiatives. The controversy, which unfolded across Europe, British North America, and as far east as India, was less about doctrinal precision than about reputational anxieties and competing visions of Protestant community. Moravian believers, who were often lay artisans, refugees, and itinerant missionaries, emerged as symbolic figures whose perceived spiritual agency threatened the coherence of Halle’s program of reform. By tracing how elite actors invoked these believers in polemical discourse, the article offers a new categorical lens for understanding the politics of mission, conversion, and ecclesiology in the eighteenth-century Protestant Atlantic world.

Excommunication – being summarily cut off from the sacraments of the Catholic Church – was the logical, if extreme, expression of Ultramontanism, and of the paternal metaphor enshrined at its heart. It was the ultimate weapon in the Church’s battle with critics who sought to undercut or challenge its chosen role as privileged mediator between the state apparatus and the people, whether this came in the form of open rebellion against said state, or in the demand for individual intellectual freedom, or both. Studying the infamous cases of nineteenth-century excommunicates, Joseph Guibord and Louis Riel (together with their predecessors, the ill–fated Patriotes) yields important insights into the nature of excommunication, both when it “worked” (from the perspective of those who imposed it) and, just as crucially, when it did not.

The desegregation of Dallas Theological Seminary (DTS) offers a critical case study for scholars of American religious history, illuminating how white evangelical institutions responded to the racial transformations of the post-civil rights era. Unlike southern evangelical colleges that defended segregation on overt theological grounds, DTS never explicitly framed its exclusion of Black students within a scriptural mandate. Instead, the seminary’s shift from racial exclusion to intentional Black student recruitment in the 1970s reflects what Martin Luther King Jr. once described as a “more cautious than courageous” approach. Anchored in biblical literalism, DTS president John Walvoord’s reluctance to use scripture to justify segregation played a key role in the school’s transformation. This article fills a gap in the historiography by examining how institutional culture, theological commitments, and broader cultural pressures converged to produce a quiet and incremental model of desegregation—neither overtly racist nor actively prophetic—offering a more complex portrait of evangelicalism and race in the second half of the twentieth century.

In the volatile year 1968, just weeks after the assassinations of Martin Luther King Jr. and Robert F. Kennedy, an editor in the Roanoke World-News noted a strange new pop cultural phenomenon. Christian folk and rock music had arrived. Jonathan Guest, an Anglican pastor from Liverpool, and Chuck Hess, a Roanoke, Virginia man, had begun to perform for teen groups and college students. “We are reaching young people in their idiom with their type of music,” Chuck exclaimed. Put simply, Chuck believed that “if Christianity is to be relevant, it must be relevant today, and we think we can make it so with new forms of music and lyrics.” (World-News, June 29, 1968) Others who joined the early God rock craze included the shambling amateur pop rock group the Crusaders, the psychedelic rockers Mind Garage, and the young rockabilly gospel shouter Isabel Baker. From these inauspicious beginnings, Christian pop music would develop into a billion-dollar industry by the 1990s.