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'Cyber security' is a recent addition to the global security agenda, concerned with protecting states and citizens from the misuse of computer networks for war, terrorism, economic espionage and criminal gain. Many argue that the ubiquity of computer networks calls for robust and pervasive countermeasures, not least governments concerned about their potential effects on national and economic security. Drawing on critical literature in international relations, security studies, political theory and social theory, this is the first book that describes how these visions of future cyber security are sustained in the communities that articulate them. Specifically, it shows that conceptions of time and temporality are foundational to the politics of cyber security. It explores how cyber security communities understand the past, present and future, thereby shaping cyber security as a political practice. Integrating a wide range of conceptual and empirical resources, this innovative book provides insight for scholars, practitioners and policymakers.
Founded and rooted in Enlightenment values, the United States is caught between two conflicting imperatives when it comes to war: achieving perfect security through the annihilation of threats; and a requirement to conduct itself in a liberal and humane manner. In order to reconcile these often clashing requirements, the US has often turned to its scientists and laboratories to find strategies and weapons that are both decisive and humane. In effect, a modern faith in science and technology to overcome life's problems has been utilized to create a distinctly 'American Way of Warfare'. Carvin and Williams provide a framework to understand the successes and failures of the US in the wars it has fought since the days of the early Republic through to the War on Terror. It is the first book of its kind to combine a study of technology, law and liberalism in American warfare.
All wars and military development should have taught us that … a war, small or large, does not follow a prescribed “scenario” laid out in advance. If we could predict the sequence of events more accurately, we could probably have avoided war in the first place.
Vice Admiral Rickover, 1966, cited in Gibson, The Perfect War
When the Nixon Administration took over in 1969 all data on North Vietnam and the United States was fed into a Pentagon computer – populations, gross national product, manufacturing capability, number of tanks, ships, and aircraft, size of the armed forces, and the like. The computer was then asked, “When will we win?” It took only moments to give the answer: “You won in 1964!”
Colonel Harry Summers, “Lessons: A Soldier’s View”
America’s war in Vietnam was almost without historical precedent. Aside from the insurgency in the Philippines, the United States had not ever fought a war without any fronts. Although the American military had engaged in several “small wars” over the course of American history, nothing matched the challenge and scope of what was then known as the Vietnam “conflict.” Unlike Britain, the United States had little experience in colonial policing, as these irregular wars were often known. Coming on the heels of Korea, the United States was reluctant to get fully involved in a traditional ground war in Asia. The atomic bomb was briefly considered as a possibility to stop communist expansion in Vietnam, but the Eisenhower Administration ruled out this option since it thought that it would ultimately be counterproductive. This left the United States with limited options. Yet, the Americans felt that something had to be done as the “domino theory,” which held great sway in Washington, argued that the expansion of communism could not be left unchecked.
Reportedly fed up with complicated and protracted operations overseas, top Pentagon officials acknowledged this week they were desperate to be given just one straightforward, no-nonsense military engagement they could really knock out of the park.
“Given all these messy, ambiguous conflicts we’ve been fighting against enemies you can’t even put your finger on, what we could really use right now is a plain old war against a clear-cut bad guy employing conventional tactics and weaponry,” said Gen. Martin Dempsey, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. “No roadside bombs or plainclothes militants hiding out among innocent civilians – just a fair fight where two sides shoot at each other and someone wins. That’s it.”
Citing the country’s long history of winning wars against sovereign nations with actual standing armies, the Pentagon’s top brass repeatedly assured reporters they would “completely wipe the floor” with such an opponent if given the chance, and promised they would make America “very, very proud.”
The Onion, March 28, 2012
The story of the United States at war is a tale of a country greatly influenced by its liberal political culture, geographic position and history. The United States uniquely adapted a specific Western way of war, starting in the early days of the republic, to wage war in a manner compatible with its liberal norms. Isolated geographically, and with a history of military engagements conceptualized as “all or nothing struggles,” the American people, American politicians and the American military developed a view of war as an aberration – a necessary struggle to be won quickly, but to also be won in a more or less humane way. A liberal nation, enthralled with science and technology, it has sought to apply its technological prowess to achieve this goal. This has worked in some cases, principally where the opponent fights by the same normative standards, but it has failed spectacularly in others, mainly those that are inter-cultural in nature. Today’s challenges, and those of the medium term, are no different.
What is war? War embraces much more than politics … it is always an expression of culture, often a determinate of cultural forces, in some societies the culture itself.
John Keegan, A History of Warfare
The Americans, as a race, are the foremost mechanics in the world. America, as a nation, has the greatest ability for mass production of machines. It therefore behooves us to devise methods of war which exploit our inherent superiority.
General George S. Patton, War As I Knew It
Although the early American officer corps drew on the common canon of writings of great European military leaders when the country fought for independence against the British Crown, and the US military continued to engage with the development of military science in Europe post-independence from Great Britain, the American experience in war in the New World of the North American continent differed from that of the Old World. The American historical experience beyond continental Manifest Destiny reinforced a uniquely American approach to Western warfare. To understand how Americans fight war, it is necessary to understand how Americans view war. This is because how a country conceptualizes and understands war directly impacts how that country instrumentalizes war as a tool of policy.
The particular American preference for decisive, overwhelming conflict becomes apparent when one takes into consideration three factors. First, historically the Western way of war is driven to decisive victory by economic constraints that go back in history to the Greek city-states discussed in the previous chapter. Second, the United States, as a contemporary liberal power, considers war an aberration – thus it views conflict as the suspension of civilized politics to engage in a dirty task that should be accomplished as quickly as possible. Finally, and again historically in line with the Western way of warfare, the democratic nature of the contemporary United States necessitates that wars are fought in a timely matter. Just like in ancient Greece, the public will only fight for a certain amount of time before domestic affairs and political infighting consume attention that was hitherto directed, in a somewhat unified manner, on a common war effort.