This chapter describes the psychic reproduction of Nakba comemory by Israeli Jews. It discusses Sigmund Freud's ‘Mourning and melancholia’. It reports Haim Bresheeth's rereading of Freud. It then develops Bresheeth's line of inquiry about Palestinian film-making about the Nakba. The preoccupation of some Israelis with Palestine and the Nakba may provide a creative way of assuaging the melancholia engendered by the destruction of Palestine. Haim Guri's work depicts the illusory paradox of the simultaneous Israeli Jewish melancholic yearning for the loss of Palestine and the delusion that conquest means co-existence. It is suggested that the shadow of the Palestinians' pre-1948 existence and of their dispossession impinges in ways which cannot always be accounted for rationally, resulting in grief which is not necessarily given to a successful resolution of mourning work, resulting rather in ongoing melancholia which pushes some of ‘us’ into the arms of a like-minded political (or comemorative) community.

During the nineteenth century, Gibraltar's civilians, by aspiration and by necessity, became further integrated into a world economy that was increasingly dominated by powerful commercial, industrial and financial enterprises centred on the advanced economies of Western Europe and North America. Domestically, they absorbed the material values and aspirations of western capitalism and accepted, pretty much, the ethics of free economic enterprise. This chapter examines the extent to which two other common though not invariable features of this western (and westernising) world may also be discerned in Gibraltar: first, the increased authority and roles of government; and second, the election of those who exercised that authority and provided services and their accountability to those who elected them. It first focuses on the governors and then turns to law and government, charities and education, the origins of the Sanitary Commission of 1865, Gibraltar politics, and the Civil Hospital and its transformation into the Colonial Hospital in 1889.

This introductory chapter sets out the purpose of the book, which is to complicate the conventional narrative about labour, gender and authorship posited by Samuel Crisp, and often endorsed by literary and historical scholarship, both by pointing to the vital and valued role that work of various kinds played in texts by middling and genteel women writers publishing during the later eighteenth century, and by revealing labour's centrality to these authors' self-conceptualization as women and as literary professionals. It then discusses men's work and women's leisure; domesticity, the novel and the invisibility of women's work; and the debate on women's work. An overview of the subsequent chapters is also presented.

According to the late Ewen Green, 'Harold Macmillan was the most self-consciously intellectual Conservative leader of the twentieth century'. This chapter argues that there were two Macmillans, the pre-war intellectual, and the post-war opportunist. From this perspective, it is possible to understand his ambiguous contribution to the development of ideas within the Conservative Party. His most important work, The Middle Way, capped a series of volumes which were written either singly or in cooperation with others. The nickname 'Supermac', originally bestowed on Macmillan by the hostile cartoonist 'Vicky', ended up being regarded as a tribute to his preternatural political powers. In practice, probably the most important legacy of Macmillan's pre-war thought was the credence it gave to the argument that the post-war Conservative leadership had made a conscious accommodation with 'socialism', which amounted to a betrayal of the party.

This chapter analyses the events of the 1966–72 cycle of contention in Italy, particularly the so-called Hot Autumn of 1969. It discusses Sidney Tarrow's presentation of the events of the 1970s as a morbid after-effect of the earlier cycle of contention. It comments on the argument that the Hot Autumn of 1969 provided the radical activists with the opportunity to launch a succession of increasingly extreme, illegal and violent actions, outbidding one another in an attempt to galvanise a working-class constituency which was now lost to them. This chapter highlights the support of the Partito Comunista Italiano (PCI) to the first wave of activism and its rejection and denouncement of the second.

This chapter considers the problem of literary ignorance using the perspective of the nature of narrative form. It studies the narrative form of Joseph Conrad's short stories, and suggests that a literary agnoiology would be partly able to account for the problem of Conrad's fiction and its relation to his life. The chapter notes that the inability to see – which is, in this sense, nescience – is natural not only to the thematics of Conrad's ‘short’ fiction and to his life, but also to the process of composition, the nature of short-story writing and to Conrad's poetics of the short and long story.

This chapter explores the attempts to grapple with the genocide of the Jews. It highlights the primary role played by social psychologists in the academic study of Holocaust during the post-war era. There were efforts, inside and outside the discipline of European History, to relate the 'Final Solution' to a more long-term narrative of Jewish history. The chapter analyses accounts of Jewish persecution subsumed within prominent renderings of the Nazi state as totalitarian. Propaganda initiatives involved historical interpretations of Nazi violence. Raphael Lemkin offered a picture of Nazi police organisations operating without orders and outside of legal frameworks, putting into practice the ideological desires of their leaders. The most notable thing about the work of the institutes and the survivor historians that contributed to them was the recognition that there existed a specific Jewish experience at Nazi hands which required its own history and interpretation.

This chapter examines the landscape of international migration within which female refugee migrants are positioned. It first gives an overview of inward migration flows into Britain and France while bearing in mind both the general European context and processes of feminisation which have occurred over the last fifty years. It then presents the demographic and sociological characteristics of female refugee migration to the two countries concerned. Information about these characteristics is important in that it provides statutory and voluntary agencies dealing with refugee women with the knowledge and understanding required to assess the latter's specific problems, needs, and aspirations and therefore to offer them adequate protection and resources for their social, political, and economic engagement in the destination country. It also helps such agencies in the effective lobbying of national legislators over the making of laws which respect international human rights principles and rules. Any discussion of third-wave migrants would be incomplete without mention of the category sans papiers, which covers individuals with diverse origins, migration experiences, and trajectories.

Some of the most vehement criticisms of Rock Against Racism (RAR) are concerned in one way or another with the organisation's cultural basis. To clarify the understanding of RAR's mission, this chapter considers not only what RAR was, but also what it was not. As with punk, RAR's attitude towards reggae was not simply a positive affirmation of the genre's radical potential; it also has to be viewed as an attempt to build a cultural coalition in an area vulnerable to incursions from the far-right. These contradictory cultural interactions help people to understand the importance of the anti-racist multiculturalism that RAR addressed to white youth. RAR's major polemical point, that a streak of racism ran through the music industry, provided an organisational focus for the movement as well as a cultural boundary.

This chapter discusses the provision for illegitimate children in institutional settings. It is suggested that many unmarried mothers left the institutions in a matter of months, and many also took their children with them. Local authorities were concerned primarily with the cost of caring for children. Furthermore, evidence indicates that individual industrial schools ‘lobbied’ to have children sent to them in an effort to keep capitation grants flowing, and local authorities bowed to pressure to maintain children in institutions rather than foster families. It is true that some government officials and some of the religious orders who ran Ireland's industrial schools and mother and baby homes preferred to institutionalize illegitimate children rather than board them out or allow them to remain in their own homes. The narrative accounts of institutional life reveal that the lives of illegitimate children could be filled with abuse, neglect, rejection and instability.

The purpose of this appendix is to define some of the key terms and concepts used in this study of the cycle of contention Italy from 1972 to 1977. These terms and concepts include social movements, framing processes, political opportunities, repertoire of contention and Sidney Tarrow's model of the cycle of contention. This chapter also suggests that the cycle of contention in Italy is one in which a gatekeeper to the political sphere interacted through framing transactions with a series of disorderly social movements.

Despite a general agreement as to the essential political alignment of fascism, the parties of the left differed concerning its relationship to the state and other social forces, as well as over how best to oppose it. These elements of concurrence and divergence regarding fascism can be seen in the left's responses to earlier and parallel movements. The differences in their analyses lay in the fundamentally different psychologies of reformist and revolutionary parties, and in the contrasting conclusions each drew from their experience of the war itself and from the bitter struggles that convulsed Europe between the Russian revolution of 1917 and Mussolini's assumption of power in Italy in 1922. It was these formative events that set in place the prism through which fascism was initially perceived by the British left. An examination of certain features of these years, which perhaps seem disparate and unrelated at first glance, but which later emerge either as aspects of fascist movements, regimes or ideology, is therefore valuable.

This chapter considers the political affect of democracy. It analyses the response to violent deaths in communities in Montreal and Edmonton, Canada. It describes the forms of memorialisation through which the violently dead are remembered in order to understand the complex ways that violence, loss, identity, identification and public memorial history are caught up with each other. It also problematises remembrance practices that operate through modes of identification and proposes a conception of democracy that could be conceived as something other than other as same, history as past, and progress as necessitating destruction.