This chapter focuses on longitudinal documentary works, including Michael Apted's Seven Up films, Winifred and Barbara Junge's The Children of Golzow and Swedish director Rainer Hartleb's The Children of Jordbrö. It addresses that in what ways do filmmakers begin to contemplate the prospect of terminating these works. The chapter also addresses role of the sponsoring agency or broadcasting institution in deciding how and when a long doc should be terminated. It explores the ways in which viewers are actively prepared for being separated from subjects with whom they may have developed especially close relationships over the years. For students of longitudinal documentary, doubtless the most significant of the post-Wende films and possibly of the whole Golzow cycle is Screenplay: The Times. With the possible exception of Screenplay, all the Golzow films the Junges produced in the post-Wende period are biographical in their approach.

This chapter examines the work of Scots in the Caribbean as doctors. It suggests that like other ventures, the recruitment of doctors for the Caribbean plantations relied on Scottish networks. It highlights the fact that practice in the Caribbean often led to doctors acquiring considerable wealth, partly from their professional roles and partly from their diversification into other realms of West Indian profits. This chapter also contends that the role of Scots in the collection and dissemination of medical and botanical intelligence extended the frontiers of European knowledge of the tropical environment and this production of knowledge contributed to the process of accommodation between the metropolitan state and the colonies.

Successive governments have been able to use their dominant position inside the House of Commons to implement effectiveness reforms, defined as those which seek to rebalance executive-legislative relations. This chapter examines some of the reforms implemented in the years prior to 1997, suggested for and implemented in the House of Commons to enhance its effectiveness. While effectiveness reforms in the early part of the century tended to suggest particularly radical solutions to the ‘problem of parliament’, such as electoral reform and devolution, that tendency was largely replaced in the post-war era by a desire to enhance effectiveness by promoting internal reform of the House of Commons itself. The chapter also considers the creation of investigative committees in the House of Commons, the decline of parliament, the establishment of Commons committees during 1961–1997, the Procedure Committee report of 1965 on parliamentary reform and how to improve the effectiveness of the Commons, the reforms initiated by Richard Crossman, and the introduction of select committees.

This chapter addresses the theoretical framework needed to approach the Democratic Security Policy (DSP). It reviews the conventional understanding of security policies according to mainstream views in international relations (IR), determining the main pillars that give them grounding in this logic. These pillars of security discussions in IR include: 1) defining the concept of security, 2) the anarchical international system, 3) the state of nature, 4) the sovereign state and 5) threats and vulnerabilities. The DSP shapes, moulds and changes politics such that political violence is reproduced by the very promise of halting it. It is also a grammar of war and peace that closes down the spaces for politics and actually inflicts harm. The political violence that the DSP produces is explained. It is noted that insecurity is not a paradox of security, but rather is the very condition of its possibility.

This chapter examines the second cycle of contention in Italy from 1972 to 1977 using quantitative data on mass disorder and armed actions. These data are also used to support an account of the aftermath of the Partito Comunista Italiano's (PCI) engagement with the mass movements. The analysis reveals that armed actions rose sharply between 1977 and 1978 and that the proportion of armed actions involving personal violence rose as the frequency of actions increased, then rose again as the overall frequency declined.

This book starts by presenting the deconstruction of the myths presented which enabled the denial of the destruction of Palestine. Questions of guilt, responsibility and accountability are regularly debated in Israel in relation to Nazi culpability. It also reviews the layers of denial the story of the Nakba encountered. It investigates Nakba co-memory practices from an anti-Zionist rather than Zionist standpoint. Jeffrey Olick explores the moral agonies of German defeat, the most consequential for Germans. There is a link between denial and ‘working through’ in the exploration of the co-memorative work by Israeli Jews. Moreover, this book interrogates the potentialities of internal emigration, questioning whether such co-memoration ultimately appropriates the Palestinian memorising voice. It then presents an Israeli-Jewish story about Palestine.

In the early nineteenth century, Gibraltar's population growth was very rapid, even though punctured by massive drops when epidemics hit. Thereafter it grew dramatically, albeit more slowly. Nevertheless, it would be a mistake to deduce too much about the economy from the number of people living in Gibraltar at any one time, or from the slowing down of population growth from the 1830s. The colony's managers tried to obstruct inward migration and settlement, and many of those whose economic livelihoods depended directly on Gibraltar lived across the border in Spain. Because of population growth, civilian families in Gibraltar were also becoming increasingly dependent on outside supplies and on British government support. This chapter examines occupations and civilians' living standards in order to see how the resources and opportunities generated by economic activity were divided in Gibraltar, first considering demand and supply, import and export, and management of Gibraltar's economy.

This introductory chapter discusses the theme of this volume, which is about the wave of contentious activism and repression in Italy between 1972 and 1977. It discusses Sidney Tarrow's analysis of an earlier wave of contentious activism in terms of a ‘protest cycle’ or ‘cycle of contention’ and argues that the 1970s wave should be given more attention and should be considered as a second cycle of contention. This volume highlights the role of the Partito Comunista Italiano (PCI) as a gatekeeper to the political system and contends that the second cycle, like the first, was determined by the interaction between contentious social movements and the PCI.

By the end of the nineteenth century, the great majority of the civilians living in Gibraltar had, legally, a secure right of residence. But home-grown civilian ministers had to face the challenge of determining who had and who had not unconditional rights of residence, and who else might be let in and on what terms. There was also a siege: the impediments to open access across the frontier with Spain beginning in 1954, and then the closing of the gates in 1969. This plunged relations across the isthmus back to a state not seen since the worst years of the eighteenth century, with serious effects on demographic flows and civilians' sense of their identity. This chapter deals with demography and aliens in Gibraltar during the twentieth century, first describing the Aliens Order Extension Order-in-Council of 1900 and then statutory aliens, British Indians and the Alien Traders Ordinances of the 1920s to 1950s. It also examines the Right of Residence in Gibraltar Ordinance of 1955, the Immigration Control Ordinance, and the Gibraltarian Status Ordinance of 1962 and after.

The Elizabethan court poet Edmund Spenser resided at Kilcolman Castle from around 1588 to October 1598, shortly before his death in January 1599. Granted a 3,000 acre estate by Elizabeth, Spenser repaired and improved the castle, a small medieval enclosure on a hilltop overlooking a marshy lake and bog. Its fate was to be burned and abandoned, then later used as a quarry for building stone. Archaeological fieldwork directed by the writer took place at Kilcolman from 1993 to 1996 to determine what evidence still existed for Spenser's occupancy of the castle. The archaeological interpretation in this chapter tries to establish a historical and material context for Spenser's activities and his ideas.

This chapter presents a discussion on housing cooperatives. Housing cooperatives were hailed as a first step on the path to communal living. They were a logical extension of the broader cooperative movement which had been heavily promoted during the War Communism period. They were also supposed to ensure that ‘the cooperative principle is carried into the utilisation of housing’. This meant that they had a duty to encourage their residents to embrace new byt, and ensure that they had the knowledge and skills to do so. The communal kitchen, communal laundries and communal child care were the crucial features of new byt. Rabotnitsa held women largely responsible for any improvements in cleanliness and hygiene.

This chapter asks whether there is cause for pessimism or optimism regarding groups as democratic agents. It rehearses the main findings from the book and suggests areas where further work may be carried out. It also ponders how we might explain and then deal with the finding that most groups do not wholly fulfil representative potential. It argues that the paradox of representation — claiming to speak for what is absent — means that all groups confront a ‘gap’ in terms of demonstrating democratic accountability and authorization. The key question is how this gap is assessed. The discussion argues that modes of representation are institutions, and, as such, the appropriateness of a form of representation will change over time and be contested.

This chapter examines the impact of social, economic and political developments in Scotland in the second half of the eighteenth century on the way the Scots engaged with the Caribbean. It describes the society from which Scottish adventurers to the West Indies came and identifies the Scots who were drawn to the Caribbean in terms of their social backgrounds. This chapter also considers how far their Scottish backgrounds affected the manner of their participation in the Caribbean.

This chapter sums up the key findings of this study on the political and religious beliefs of William Blundell, a seventeenth-century Catholic gentleman in Lancashire, England. Blundell's surviving papers clearly demonstrate that he actively ensured his own survival and played a prominent part in local and national politics. This chapter suggests that Blundell's political culture was not solely defined by his recusancy and that his standing in the social order and his gender also had an impact on his worldview.

This introduction presents an overview of the key concepts discussed in the subsequent chapters of this book. The book provides the emergence of the idea of the persecution of the Jews as a separate set of events. It uses a specific text as a gateway to debates about the Holocaust. The book reveals the destruction of the European Jews in the immediate aftermath of war which were the beginnings of a discourse about how to understand the particular suffering of a specific victim group in the universal horror of war. It is concerned with the victims and survivors, who were often excluded from more general Holocaust narratives. The book argues that historiography documents are somewhat irrelevant in the ritualised scholarship around the issue of Catholic responses to the murder of Europe's Jews. It concentrates on History's function in the formation of post-war Jewish identities.

Populism is essential for explaining chavismo, but much of the literature on populism fails to take sufficient note of the wider context of globalisation, viewing it primarily from narrower institutionalist perspectives. The previous chapter discussed populism in the context of democratisation processes, and how democracy's spread throughout Latin America remains incomplete. This chapter looks at globalisation from the perspective of its impact on development theory. It examines Anthony Payne's ideas on ‘the global politics of unequal development’, which neatly brings together the concepts of globalisation and development into one overarching theory. It then considers Venezuela's foreign policy and international relations (with China, India, Russia, Colombia and the United States) in the light of these discussions, arguing that it has sought to expand on and safeguard its emerging model by putting greater emphasis on a much more Latin Americanist and internationalist perspective, rather than the traditional pro-United States and anti-communist policies of previous governments.