This chapter reviews the lessons and information presented in the previous chapters. It emphasises that a theory of performativity goes hand in hand with a certain conception of identity and language, which can have consequences for personal faith and religious discourse. The chapter then notes that the previous chapters considered Donne's prose and poetry in a performative dimension, and also determines that performativity and performance are typical not only of Donne's writing, but also of literary criticism.

This chapter examines the role of the Scots in the Caribbean and British imperial politics. The changing face of politics in Scotland from the 1760s impelled more and more Scots to look southwards in search of advancement and they found these opportunities in the West Indies. The frequency of political openings in the Caribbean coincided with the consolidation and greater integration of the home country which allowed Scots greater access to power in London. This chapter suggests that the Scots played an important role in preserving the bonds between the Caribbean colonies and Britain until the final quarter of the eighteenth century.

This concluding chapter draws out a number of implications that flow from the preceding chapters. The first section explores the differential contribution of dominant actors to racial violence, drawing attention to certain structural conditions that either promote or constrain tendencies towards unofficial racial violence. The second section underscores the importance of a transcendent ideology and argues that systemic cultures of violence invoke predispositions which make reiterated violence not only acceptable but also righteous. A final section returns to the central role that the state played in the two cultures of violence.

This chapter explores the economic history of Gibraltar in the century or so after the allied occupation. Gibraltar was, of course, sufficiently attractive economically after 1704 to induce civilians to enter and settle, and eventually to bring up families there, but conditioning their experiences, positively and negatively, was the partition of Gibraltar, upon which stress has already been placed for its demographic consequences. It is difficult to trace precisely how, after 1704, the economy of Gibraltar developed and to say much that is exact about living standards during the first century or so of British rule, given the paucity of statistical data. Because the town of Gibraltar became a ‘free port’, there are not even sound figures for external trade. The chapter shows that the partition of the region of Gibraltar had very important consequences for the economy, occupations and living standards, and, by implication, for a common sense of identity among civilians. The principal determining factor was obviously the Treaty of Utrecht, which confirmed the transfer to Britain of sovereignty over the peninsula (only).

This chapter challenges the period-based arguments which suggest obliquely that democratically inferior ‘mass-membership’ groups are a modern phenomenon — and that they may also be the result of hollowing out processes among formerly more democratic groups. In the UK, the ‘protest business’ thesis pursued by Jordan and Maloney (1997) has served as a touchstone for this broader thesis. However, based on historical case studies of three such ‘protest businesses’, the chapter argues that these groups hardly constitute internally hollowed out groups. They have, since very early in their group careers, pursued a passive mass-supportership base to fund ‘good works’. This work has broader implications for the study of group change.

This chapter explores the conditions under which the longitudinal documentary under review came to be produced. It considers the role played by particular organisations and institutions in the nurturing of these works. The long doc work includes Michael Apted's Seven Up films, Winifred and Barbara Junge's The Children of Golzow and Swedish director Rainer Hartleb's The Children of Jordbrö. The World in Action tone is immediately detectable in the original Seven Up programme, which certainly does not pull any punches when setting out its agenda. Just like Junge and Apted with their long doc projects, Hartleb was still at an early stage in his filmmaking career when he began working on The Children of Jordbrö. Like his two fellow long doc filmmakers Apted and Hartleb, Junge was still relatively inexperienced when he started out on the Golzow project.

This chapter investigates ethnic impostors, or people who claimed to be of a different ethnicity. It examines the perception of people who claimed to be of a different ethnicity, and identifies which features of ethnicity played a role in their success. The chapter explores the celebrated case of the pretended Formosan George Psalmanazar and Mary Baker, who passed herself off as Princess Caraboo from Javasu, and suggests that a shift in perception of the far-away ‘other’ was necessary to make ethnic imposture a worthwhile enterprise.

This chapter examines the key role of the BBC in fostering a culture of imperialism from the 1920s to the eve of the Second World War. The broadcast of The Four Feathers revealed several aspects of the BBC's relationship to empire and imperialism during the period from its inception in the early 1920s to the Second World War. The reach and potential influence of the BBC suggests that the empire remained important to British national identity in the 1950s, even after the first wave of decolonization. The extent and range of programmes that had empire as their subject matter were considerable such as Empire Vaudeville and Radio Times. From its inception, the BBC acted as an agent to promote the empire among its audience. When war came in 1939, the empire figured prominently in the BBC's programming. As the war progressed the BBC devoted a remarkable amount of time in its schedules to promoting the empire.

Proto-colonial archaeology of Elizabethan Ireland, particularly in the Irish Republic, has only recently begun, and caution warns against advancing firm conclusions at this stage. Nevertheless, this chapter provides some general observations concerning the twelve-year Elizabethan colonial settlement, or ‘planting’, of Munster, because even limited fieldwork can significantly correct research all too dependent upon insufficient documentation. Munster colonial villages, large and small, attempted to replicate what existed in England: individual house plots, each probably with a small garden or orchard attached, fronted streets and greens at regular intervals. Munster may very well have seen as strong a division between the classes as existed in Tudor England.

This book has examined crimes against humanity and war crimes under the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC). This concluding chapter commences by considering how this interpretation of crimes may be affected by national prosecutions of war crimes and crimes against humanity under the principle of complementarity. Next, it considers the influence that reservations and interpretative declarations to the Conventions which form the basis of Article 8, or interpretative declarations to the Rome Statute, have on the definition of crimes. Then, the question of whether some of the crimes are still insufficiently defined to enable a fair trial in accordance with the principle of legality is addressed. The chapter also reviews the influence of human rights law upon the definition of crimes in the Rome Statute and questions whether human rights bodies may provide an effective alternative method of ending impunity for conduct described in Articles 7 and 8 rather than prosecutions before the ICC. The Rome Statute is praised for its approach to gender issues in the definition of crimes but criticised for failure to address sufficiently the issue of prohibited weapons. Finally, the particular problems of applying international humanitarian law in non-international armed conflicts and the extent to which Article 8(2)(e) of the Rome Statute addresses these concerns are discussed.

From the start of Margaret Thatcher's premiership since her elevation to the Conservative leadership in 1975, Ian Gilmour had been acting against the model of Tory reticence. According to his enemies within the party, Gilmour was an inveterate believer in 'consensus', whose first instinct was always to appease. Gilmour himself preferred to characterise his position as 'moderate' rather than 'wet', but his opponents were less discriminating. In The Body Politic, Gilmour had identified the structure of power within the Conservative Party according to his own ideal, rather than reflecting contemporary realities. In the most pertinent reference Gilmour alludes to the fact that although John Enoch Powell was 'The most prominent exponent of the virtues of the market' within the Party, he was 'not a businessman', which was unsurprising because businessmen 'cannot afford ideological purity'.

This chapter presents the results of the research on labour migration policy change in Spain from 1995 to 2008. It briefly explores Spain's migratory history and potential intervening variables or broader institutional factors and associated discourses in Spain that are potentially relevant to subsequent discussions of policy towards labour migration. This study has identified two main shifts in policy. These are the restrictive approach where divergence between stakeholders and the government emerged after 2000 and the move to a more market-led, liberal approach after the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) election victory of 2004 and the subsequent amendment to the Immigration Act.