The Scottish dreamscape has its origins in the period from 1760 to 1868 and emerged in the context of both British integration and European Romantic nationalism. By the late twentieth century, the Scottish dreamscape had become a thoroughly global fantasy of a local culture. At the beginning of the twentieth century, the Scotland of popular imagination is a land of kilts, tartan, bagpipes, clans, Celts, and Highland Games. In the course of the nineteenth century, the urban, Anglophone elites of Edinburgh gradually adopted the costume, music, and poetry of the Highlands. They also created new symbols and rituals in what they considered to be a Highland tradition. After the parliamentary Union with England in 1707, Scotland struggled with the concept of Britain and with English dominance in political and economic affairs.

This chapter offers a critical reading of the Uprising and its place in recent Irish history. It analyses the forms that resistance took and the extent to which it transgressed or reinforced the clientelist norms of political engagement in Ireland. For many participants in the Uprising, this was an opportunity to face down ageism, as reflected in the budget's targeting of older people and as a force within Irish society. Condemnation of Ireland's two-tier or 'apartheid' health services is commonplace. The health system itself is complex; private and public services coexist and even overlap, and entitlements are finely graduated so that only a minority qualify for free access to primary services via the medical card regime. Defending and rationalising medical card retrenchment, Minister Brian Lenihan also appealed to vague concepts of fairness and the presumed inefficiencies of universalism.

From January 2009 The National Archives (TNA) released individual schedules ~ three years earlier than expected. It suddenly became possible to access electronically what individual households had written. With fellow suffrage historian Elizabeth Crawford, I travelled down to TNA at Kew ~ and began to explore. From the database we created, patterns gradually emerged: virtually all the NUWSS suffragists complied. Many suffragettes boycotted; married women were often absent from home ~ the ‘mysteriously missing wife’. By early 2010 Elizabeth moved her research focus sideways. But I remained keenly fascinated by the boycott ~ and determined on a full-length account. I rethought my research approach (not around individuals but around households, the basic census unit). And I rethought my own suffrage landscape: my centre of gravity shifted decisively southwards, from the Pennines where I live 120 miles down towards Buckinghamshire. And as I made research journeys during 2010, criss-crossing the country, my research centre of gravity dropped south once again, nearer north London. This final chapter of Vanishing for the Vote analyses the patterns that began to emerge: distance from London, occupation, suffrage and neighbour allegiances. It also celebrates those little-known women with courage to ‘vanish for the vote’.

This chapter is focused on D'Aguiar, who struggles with the problems of representing the past of slave trading. It observes that he shares Dabydeen and Phillips' concerns with the historical record about the slave trade, and notes that he has written about the issues surrounding examining accounts of received history. This chapter considers the possibility that D'Aguiar is deeply troubled by the act of writing about the memory of slavery. It also tries to answer the question of how people are supposed to remember slavery a hundred and fifty years after its end and with the lack of witnesses.

In late sixteenth-century England, domestic life became the subject of scrutiny: just what was the household, how might it be made to further God's intentions for the world, what ideals should govern conduct within it? The project of the ecclesiastical courts was to ensure that domestic activities were equally subject to moral justice as their more physically open counterparts, and to insist that the same precepts of Christian morality and charity governed behaviour in every space under the watchful eye of God's providence. This chapter takes its evidence from household manuals and from ecclesiastical court depositions, evidence that makes it possible to connect literary didacticism to the written record of oral tales about domestic space and behaviour. In pursuing the points at which early modern men and women think spatially, and the way they moralise spatial relations, it considers the house from the outside, from the boundary and from the inside.

Community living for people with intellectual disability has been encouraged and supported for a number of decades in Ireland. Systematic reviews have demonstrated the merits of community living and social inclusion and have highlighted the relative cost-effectiveness of delivering care in the community to individuals with intellectual disability. This chapter focuses on resident characteristics, costs and outcomes of two types of community residential facilities for people with intellectual disability in Ireland: village campuses and dispersed housing. Residents in village campuses fared better in terms of lower levels of reported victimisation than did those in dispersed housing. Village campuses accommodated a higher proportion of people with more severe or profound intellectual disability. Assessments of residents indicated higher dependency across residents in village campuses, as compared to those in dispersed housing.

This chapter examines the role of the British and the US governments' propaganda in Iraq. Many argued that this propaganda might reduce casualties and the need for force by changing attitudes and behaviours. The counter-insurgency warfare is often said to hinge on winning the consent of the local population. The chapter considers Anglo-American planning during the Iraq War in more detail, particularly post-invasion. An Iraq expert, Paul 'Jerry' Bremer's side of Baghdad's Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA) was being navigated through the British personnel's informal relations at the top of the bureaucracy. Despite the Britain being demonstrably the junior partner with the US attentions so widely drawn, the two states' institutional cultures allowed key channels of influence. The key channels of influence are used to advance their institutional objectives in the Iraq War.

This chapter examines the four most significant issues that are raised in a consideration of the political apology. These are responsibility over generations, the question of the impact of time, identifying to whom the apology is due and the question of how sincerity can be measured.

The Scots of Europe approach Scotland as a site of memory. This chapter examines the reasons for the Scottish dreamscape's striking resonance in Northern and Western Europe. It argues that the Scotland of popular imagination is 'charged' with four recurring themes, and that these themes may have a particular resonance in Northern and Western Europe at the beginning of the twenty-first century. These themes are tradition, resistance, victimhood, and masculinity. The Scots are appropriated as ersatz ancestors. The Scots of Europe create elaborate mythologies of kinship by which they turn the Scots into relatives. According to the well-rehearsed narratives of the Scottish dreamscape, the Scots are rebels: wild folk and tribal people. Their world has not been disenchanted by science and secularism. It has been argued (both by men and women) that if anyone has had a rough time since 1970 it has been the white male.

This chapter looks at fate of the colonial model. The publication of René Grousset's Histoire witnessed the highwater mark of the Franco-German colonial model. The attacks on the nineteenth-century 'positive' colonial model came from a number of quarters, deriving not only from fresh scrutiny of the evidence but from the ideological and political stances of the historians. Joshua Prawer linked the colonialism of Outremer with the European expansion of the early modern period in Africa, the Atlantic and the Americas. The challenge to colonialism and imperialism mirrored the uneven collapse of European hegemony and self-confidence in the half century from 1914. Only with the establishment of western-style university history departments in the wake of Zionist settlement were the medieval Frankish settlements studied by scholars resident in the same geographic space. Local Arab scholars displayed little interest in serious study of the colonial model crusades.

The documents in this section consist of Wulfstan’spolitical tracts, those texts the archbishopcomposed either for public circulation or as privatememoranda with the purpose of articulating oradvocating for some aspect of his social vision.

Chapter 4 looks at the Bengalis’ continued links with their now independent homeland and with its politics (which it outlines), as the London community consolidated and settled and men were joined by their wives and families. This is a smaller scale politics, with different groups taking different positions, but it involves strong loyalties. As well as activity in Britain and the influence of immigrant money, the chapter discusses direct political involvement by returned immigrants and the possibilities of two centred politics. It also discusses the relative disenchantment of the younger, British-educated generation, and continued bonds with Bangladesh that are less overtly political, such as through regional organisations and their charitable activities. The chapter includes a discussion of the different meanings of secularism, and a critical examination of the growing conflicts between secular and religious politics.

Chapter 9 looks at the attempt by some on the left (especially the Socialist Workers’ Party) to build on the movement against the Iraq war and create a new political party combining socialists and Muslims. It looks at the rise and fall of Respect in its power base of Tower Hamlets, including George Galloway’s defeat of Labour’s pro-war Oona King in the 2005 general election and more limited electoral successes in the local council. It argues that Respect was a coalition based on opportunism, and another example of the failure of popular front politics. It was conceived by a weakening left, prepared to compromise its socialist programme to make links with a strengthening Islamic movement. It made the left even weaker and strengthened religious organisations. The chapter examines at length whether religious and socialist organisations can work together beyond single issue campaigns. It concludes that while non-political Muslims might practise forms of socialism, Marxists and Islamists hold incompatible world views and any attempt at a more general coalition between the two would be bound to result in unacceptable compromise.