This chapter concludes our all-round consideration of the research process by looking at the different ways in which one might present a dissertation or research project. We offer guidance on the organisation of ideas and text that will help you show to best effect your original archival discoveries and novel connections between buildings, landscapes, ideas, objects and cultures. The chapter provides models for structuring your dissertation, as well as guidance on the most effective ways of referencing the material and visual sources essential to spatial histories, such as buildings, material cultures and maps.

Article 6, like Article 5, is one of the longest and most important provisions of the European Convention on Human Rights. It guarantees the right to a fair trial. In the Golder case in 1975 the Court had to decide a point of fundamental importance relating to the scope of Article 6(1): whether this provision is concerned only with the way legal proceedings are conducted, or whether, in addition, it confers a right of access to the courts. The right guaranteed by Article 6(1) is to a fair and public hearing 'by an independent and impartial tribunal established by law'. Like the provisions of Article 6(3), the presumption of innocence is a specific aspect of the right to a fair trial, and for obvious reasons applies only in criminal cases.

This chapter explores how Khabar Lahariya (KL), a digital news channel run by rural women journalists – mostly Dalit and Muslim – used the #MeToo moment to test the elasticity of an urban, privileged movement to encompass experiences of assault on women working in small towns and rural areas of north India. It locates #MeToo in a charged moment in India’s technological trajectory, as more and more of India’s rural population, whether or not they have access to food and housing, definitely have access to a mobile phone connection. Alongside shifting electoral politics, this also sets the stage for a significant change in the nature of gendered relationships and intimacies in the Indian hinterland. The KL reporters, as ‘lower’-caste women questioning power and overstepping their place, are at the receiving end of blatant sexual assault from colleagues, sources and officers in the police and administration. However, with their necessary familiarity with mobile technologies and digital networks, they also negotiate new spaces and relationships in their work, cultivating sources and colleagues at odd hours, on Whatsapp and Facebook, bending notions of sexual convention – based on age, caste, class, geography – out of shape. There is a pleasure and an agency in this that deeply affects their public and private lives. The chapter navigates how the MeToo mo(ve)ment serves to constrain these nascent disruptions, as it also works to visibilise the violence inherent in the everyday lives of rural women who overstep their boundaries.

This chapter focuses on Anglo-Chinese relations during the Callaghan–Thatcher transition and the first eight months of the Thatcher premiership. It first outlines Thatcher’s diplomatic approach and her China policy team. The rise of Deng Xiaoping and his policy of reform and opening up will be discussed to set the scene. Prior to May 1979, several decisions and events had policy implications for the future Thatcher government: preliminary discussions with the Chinese about the sale of Harrier aircraft; the conclusion of an ambitious economic cooperation agreement; and a convergence of strategic interests vis-à-vis the Soviet Union in the light of the Sino-Vietnamese Border War. Although Deng had been China’s paramount leader since late 1978, Premier Hua Guofeng was invited to make a state visit to Britain in late 1979. With her conviction in free-trade globalisation, Thatcher seized every opportunity to promote British goods and services when meeting with her Chinese guest. Hua’s visit set the stage for a balanced and long-term relationship between Britain and China, which Deng would further develop in subsequent years.

As a herald of ever-advancing rights for neutrals, the Declaration of Paris proved to be a false dawn. The Declaration of Paris contained two explicit exceptions to the rule: contraband and blockade. To states which were mindful that total war might one day return to the international scene, the most important of all the exceptions to the 'free ships-free goods' principle was the belligerent right of blockade. There were some marginal cases in which belligerents made use of sovereign rights to further their ends instead of belligerents' rights properly speaking. In light of the various belligerent innovations of the late nineteenth century, it is hardly surprising that supporters of neutral rights became increasingly worried about how scrupulously the rights of neutrals, or whatever remained of them, would be observed in a future great-power conflict.

This chapter examines the journey of seeking legality and belonging of Muay (pseudonym), a 20-year-old stateless Shan youth who lives in northern Thailand. Muay dreams of becoming a nurse, but as a stateless person she is unable to take the licencing exam. Her desire to realise her professional dreams drove Muay finally to try to fix her citizenship status. Legally excluded from Thai citizenship, Muay sought the citizenship of Myanmar in order to be qualified as a migrant worker in Thailand, the country she calls home. This chapter follows Muay in her efforts to become a citizen of Myanmar and eventually a nurse in Thailand. Through Muay’s journey, it examines larger questions relating to the governance of Thai citizenship and the under-examined implications of documentary solution to statelessness. It interrogates, with Muay, the relationship between citizenship, nationality, documentation, and identity. Crucially, it also asks what belonging means in the age where it is made ‘real’ by documentation, and whether a stateless person like her can ever really call a place ‘home

Territorial struggles are not simply struggles for space. They are struggles for and through the emergence of new territorialities. In the context of Zapatistas movement (insurgent indigenous people and activists in Chiapas, Mexico), shared spaces acquire a very important role. It is in those spaces that the reclaiming of new territorialities actually takes shape. In shared spaces, Zapatistas do not simply practice commoning as a form of regulating and producing egalitarian social relations. They produce in those spaces new collective subjects capable of mobilizing both ancestral traditions and new critical knowledges. This chapter focuses especially on a specific project (a school for educating the teachers of Zapatista alternative education), which was designed by architect-activists in Greece and was realized in a Zapatista autonomous municipality through cooperation based on solidarity.

The second of two chapters on working with text, this chapter covers structured text and, in particular, the markup language XML, with a short passage on the Text Encoding Initiative (TEI) guidelines. As with the previous chapter, the Post Office directory is used throughout as an example historical text.

More than seventy years after its cataclysmic enactment, the partition of India continues to loom large on the subcontinent’s political horizon, scarring relations between, as well as within, the nation-states of India, Pakistan and Bangladesh. More than just an event, partition is an ongoing process with neither end nor beginning that continues to structure the postcolonial South Asian experience. An institutionalised form of dividing and disconnecting, partition has been the founding myth of postcolonial nation-states and ferrets out people, communities and linguistic cultures that were once historically indivisible. If there are multiple slippages, elisions and contestations in narratives about the great divide that occurred seventy years ago, there are strange silences about its constant re-enactments in the postcolonial nation-states of South Asia. This chapter revisits the demand for Pakistan as envisaged by the All-India Muslim League and its leader Mohammad Ali Jinnah, and points to the multiple elisions and distortions in interpretations that have crept into the contending state narratives of India and Pakistan. More than three decades ago I had shown that Jinnah’s aims had been different from the final outcome of 1947. A more balanced understanding of the historical dynamics in the final decades of the British Raj not only points to alternative conceptions of sharing power, but also dramatically different ways of dealing with its effects on politics and everyday life in the South Asian subcontinent.

This chapter analyses the circumstances under which superiors incur liability for the acts of their subordinates. A fundamental question posed in this chapter is whether all types of superiors are liable in accordance with the same criteria, or whether this depends upon each particular person's de facto or de jure status. The chapter presents an analysis of the necessary and reasonable measures expected of operational, tactical and POW camp commanders, as well as the extent of their liability in accordance with either the people they command or control, or the territory that they occupy. Regulation 8(ii) of the British Royal Warrant was subsequently construed by the United Nations War Crimes Commission as referring to a matter of evidence and not of substantive law. The chapter examines the applicable mens rea standard required under the doctrine of command responsibility, as well as possible lege ferenda standards.

This chapter draws on F. G. Bailey’s foundational work in Tribe, Caste and Nation (1960) about the role of entrepreneurial individuals in creating new leadership roles through ‘bridge-actions’ that make use of resources, ideologies, and roles in one political structure to act in another structure. Pastors in the Harvest Ministry, an independent Fijian Pentecostal church, appeared to advocate a shift away from the ethnic pluralism and hereditary rank that organize Fijian society toward multi-ethnic leadership based on professional achievements. But closer examination suggested that pastors used bridge-actions to create new kinds of leadership roles drawing together the structures of the indigenous Fijian vanua, on the one hand, and transnational Pentecostalism and business, on the other, in order to suggest that successful Pentecostal professionals would surpass the power of indigenous chiefs. What looked like social class was really an attempt by entrepreneurial pastors to create new roles for themselves in response to local political and economic changes challenging chiefly power and ethnic pluralism in Fiji.

The introductory chapter provides the context by outlining the themes of globalisation and decolonisation in Margaret Thatcher’s and Deng Xiaoping’s thinking and strategies. It gives a brief overview of the existing literature on Thatcher and ‘Thatcherism’, Deng’s reform, and the Hong Kong negotiations. It interrogates such key concepts as ‘appeasement’, ‘kowtow’, ‘education’, and ‘decolonisation’. The chapter highlights how a study of Britain–China–Hong Kong interactions in the 1980s, the first monograph of its kind, contributes to global history, diplomatic history, and imperial history.

In a short period of time, we have witnessed both the seismic effects of the #MeToo movement and its ageing. We have felt the optimism that gathered as the hashtag travelled, while being sceptical about this particular wave of ‘clicktivism’. Even as we saw how an individualised ‘me’ gathered and mobilised an ever-widening ‘too’ – exemplifying how a hashtag amalgamates individual experiences into a story of systemic harm and mobilises collective solidarity – worries accumulated. For every Harvey Weinstein who was stripped of power and influence, there was a Brett Kavanaugh who accumulated power and capital in spite of the force of women’s testimony. Alongside the downfall of powerful men, women were implicated as aggressors.