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The 1980s financial revolution placed the UK at the vanguard of neoliberal free market reforms and is celebrated on the Right as a high point in capitalism. Usually, it is understood as the inevitable outcome of New Right ideas, global economic shifts, new technologies and free-flowing capital. Using archival sources and dozens of in-depth interviews, Barrett brings to life the people and processes involved in the making of the financial revolution. Survival Capitalism demonstrates the high stakes for capitalist institutions and unfolding responses to existential threats and opportunities. It offers insights into struggles and alternative possibilities and shows just how contingent outcomes were. Ultimately, reforms were driven by the authorities but shaped significantly by City practitioners as they navigated and contested change, informed by their cultures and traditions. Although financial reforms are associated with the Thatcher government’s supply-side reforms, Survival Capitalism shows how the Government’s quest for autonomy and monetary credibility, when faced with problems of selling debt, impacted the stock market mechanism. It therefore exposes the macroeconomic concerns which drove reforms in parallel with microeconomic drivers. The two converged, but this focus affirms that international capital and new technologies were not merely catalysts for change; they were harnessed by the nation state to support the domestic agenda. By restoring intent to this history, Survival Capitalism offers new perspectives on Thatcherism and its legacies. The focus on people and processes de-mystifies the perception of the ‘inevitable’ march of market forces and explains the survival of the cultures of capitalism.
This book takes common themes in popular music and analyses them through a harms-based critical criminology of music. It analyses the sexism and homophobia of the music industry but also the role of music in bringing hope, whether on a personal or political level worldwide.
This book examines the representation of adolescents in Shakespeare’s works. By applying early modern medical knowledge, the book analyses the age-specific implications of the humoral heat associated with puberty. Employing a lens attuned to age before gender, the book draws out complexities that surround shared characteristics attributed to male and female adolescents. Chapters investigate how both promise and danger, symmetry and difference, were registered in early modern representations of female and male adolescence. By setting Shakespeare’s adolescent characters within theatrical, cultural, and medical contexts, this book illuminates a prolific counternarrative to negative, and more familiar, interpretations of rash and ‘heated’ adolescent behaviour. The workings of pubescent heat, this book asserts, also underpinned what were perceived as necessary and exciting changes that enabled growth. Chapters use a range of Shakespeare’s plays to explore representations of culturally recognised signs of puberty, including emergent beards and blushes, vocal change, and body growth. Shakespeare’s Adolescents also evaluates how the age and gender of fictive characters corresponded to the ‘real’ bodies of actors on stage, which were similarly subject to cultural constructions regarding age and gender. Shakespeare’s Adolescents often challenges assumptions that position the adult as always privileged over the child, both on and off the early modern stage, and recentres adolescence as a vibrant and commendably mutable stage of life in early modern culture. The book examines, moreover, how the environment of early modern theatre seems to have provided a space where talented adolescent players and characters were regularly celebrated and showcased.
Youths are becoming an increasingly significant political force in Southeast Asian countries. As a collective, young Southeast Asians aged 18-35 have the potential to exert greater sway over their respective national foreign policymaking landscapes. They will also occupy key positions in their respective countries and societies in the future, thus understanding young Southeast Asian opinion leaders' views on geopolitics can provide valuable insight into the future of foreign policymaking in the region.
Using mixed purposive and open sampling methods, this series of Focus Group Discussions engaged thirty-three youths from the ASEAN-6 countries - Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam - between September and October 2024. Semi-structured interview questions and polling methods were used, and the results were aggregated and comparisons made for all age groups found in The State of Southeast Asia 2024 survey.
The study's findings are fourfold. (1) Mainstream news sources remained the most referred source of information for youth elites. (2) Young Southeast Asian elites had a stronger preference for China over the US when compared to respondents across all age groups in the survey. (3) Japan and India emerged as the top preferred hedging partners for Southeast Asian youth. This stood in contrast to the results of the general survey where the EU emerged as the most preferred choice. (4) Youth elites in the region were deeply concerned about ASEAN becoming an arena for major power competition, the ineffectiveness of the organization, the disunity, and the growing disconnect with the average Southeast Asian citizen.
An escalation of violence in Myanmar has led to a significant loss of territories by the Myanmar junta and reconfigured the country's political terrain. The territories can presently be characterized broadly into Junta-controlled areas with low resistance, junta-controlled areas with high resistance, active armed conflict areas, areas controlled by highly vulnerable non-state armed groups, areas controlled by non-state armed groups that are not as vulnerable, and border areas sheltering internally displaced persons (IDPs) and refugees.
Negative concerns originated from the proliferation of armed actors and a growing conflict among non-state armed actors and inter- and intra-communal hostilities, while positive responses are drawn from emerging bottom-up local governing practices.
The SAC has various options. It can intensify repression, it can divide and rule, or it can negotiate settlements on the terms set by the National Unity Government (NUG) and its coalition partners. Any of these could perpetuate the status quo or lead to negotiations that may either revert to civil war or result in further negotiations for 'federal democracy'.
The nature of Myanmar's future territorial and governing landscapes will be determined by the relationships between union-level actors and regional actors, as well as those among regional actors.
Given the many fault lines in Myanmar, domestic and international peace-building efforts will need to focus on fostering a broad coalition for federal democracy and mediating differences among anti-SAC forces, while encouraging local power holders to be more accountable to and sensitive about the needs of populations under their administrations.
This Element argues that property rights and the territorial rights of states in Kant's legal theory provide a strong justification for the expansion of international law. Central to the argument is Kant's theory of legal obligation, according to which a right to external things is only possible if it can genuinely bind all those on whom it must impose an external duty. Given the global scope of this legal obligation in Kant's account, it can only be achieved through the implementation of a shared international legal order regulated by a principle of reciprocity in external relations. Kant's conception of legal obligation thus requires us to leave the state of nature beyond domestic legal systems towards an international legal order. The author also examines how the international legal order differs from a world state, and how it can be consistent with national legal systems.
Opening with the theft of the original Factory club poster from a Manchester gallery in 1992, this chapter sees Andy Spinoza reflecting on memory and, more particularly, the lucrative market that has sprung up in Factory memorabilia. The Haçienda closed in 1997 and was demolished not long after – its contents were salvaged for auction, with the DJ booth selling for £8,000. Spinoza brokered the deal that saw Peter Hook sell the club name to property developers. But a remarkable act of reconstruction occurred for the film 24 Hour Party People. Spinoza was present at some of the filming, which gave him and various other Manchester characters a chance to relive the Factory era.
Part III of the book examines the 1922 Committee’s influence. This chapter looks at how the creation and activity of 1922 has affected MPs individually. Until the 1990s, new MPs were not given any formal direction in how to acclimatise to Westminster. It was for this very reason that the 1922 Committee was formed. As well as providing orientation for new MPs, it presents opportunities to socialise and bond with colleagues. It is also an important forum for information exchange. The 1922 Committee provides a platform for backbenchers to voice concerns to the party leadership. In this respect, it can help to strengthen communication within the party and act as a safety valve for frustrated members who might otherwise be tempted to go public. In addition, since 1965, the 1922 Committee has had the power to determine the leadership of the Conservative Party, making every member an important voter.
By 1984, Ruefrex had reached what seemed like an insurmountable impasse. Martin J. Galvin was an Irish American lawyer and activist notable for his role in the formation and promotion of NORAID (the Irish Northern Aid Committee). The organisation became known for raising funds for the Provisional IRA and other nationalist groups during the Troubles. Although banned from Northern Ireland for espousing terrorism, Galvin entered the country in 1984, attending high-profile gatherings, flouting his presence to the security forces and providing Sinn Féin with a press coup. This flurry of activity provided the catalyst for Ruefrex to record and release a song that they had finished a year earlier. ‘The Wild Colonial Boy’ tells the story of Jack Duggan, an Irish rebel and native of Castlemaine, County Kerry, who became a convict, then a bushranger in nineteenth-century Australia.
Part of a series of four dialogues with contemporary art and writing practitioners whose work represents a critical intervention in thinking about gesture, politics, and embodiment – across art, writing, and theory – and the various entanglements found therein. This collaborative dialogue on gesture as writing is written by Kathleen Stewart and Lauren Berlant.
In this chapter, life history interviews ‘orientate’ during what was experienced at first as an uncertain and disorientating time. Putting the ethnographic detail of the salsa classes in the context of life stories also orientates the ethnography upon which the book rests in a wider context, providing a deeper understanding of practices of heterosexuality and femininity that have taken generations to form, multiply and evolve. The chapter begins with the jubilation of change in the ‘second stage’ of the women’s lives, where salsa classes were one of many recent changes. Certain lifestyles and interdependencies were perceived of as generational and women distanced themselves from their mothers’ ways of ageing. Drawing on the writings of historians of gender relations, love and marriage and sociologists of contemporary feminism and intimacy, the chapter situates these emancipatory and transitional narratives within the social histories of post-war changes to selfhood and relationships. Despite being enthused about freedom from familial ties, stories show the women are ever-intwined in family relationships and in some cases ‘freedom’ was facilitated by their families. In another layer of complexity, extracts from the interviews reveal deep nostalgia for the durable relationships of their parents’ generation, idealising and aspiring towards these durable, long-term relationships. Finally, current dating practices are described in which multiple femininities and desires played out. A multitude of often conflicting ideals and expectations surrounding ‘right’ and ‘wrong’ femininities circulated at the same time, shaped by normative understandings of gender, generation and age. Yet they were always produced as respectable.
Continuing the story of Manchester’s redevelopment, Andy Spinoza looks more closely at the relationship between city leaders and the city’s music scene. A key figure in this relationship was Colin Sinclair, a former band manager and owner of the indie rock venue the Boardwalk, who in 2005 was made CEO of MIDAS, Manchester’s Inward Investment Agency. He quickly scored a success by attracting the Bank of New York Mellon to Piccadilly. Another success was bringing on board Factory designer Peter Saville to help rebrand the city. Overall, the 2000s saw the city leadership taking a close interest in ‘culture’, which would be a watchword for Manchester’s global offering in years to come.
Cohen was first known as a poet, and on the basis of his first volume of poetry he was described as Canada’s leading poet. As the 1965 documentary Ladies and Gentleman, Mr. Leonard Cohen attests, he became a celebrity in Canada on the basis of his poetry even before he had recorded an album. He continued to publish poetry throughout his career, and the relationship of the poems to the lyrics is interesting and complicated. Cohen’s early poetry is more modernist, largely eschewing rhyme or regular rhythm, while his later poems are often similar to his lyrics. Poetry inhabits both novels in various ways. Lawrence Breavman enjoys a first name that nods to and withdraws Lawrentian possibilities, and the strategies of the poet are all over Beautiful Losers: repetition, anaphora, listing, grammatical and syntactical dislocation, a variety of forms, symbolism, making strange, surrealism. Sometimes, Cohen publishes his song lyrics as poems, sometimes verbatim, sometimes in a different form. Other poems are quite different from his songs set to music, yet he seems to have thought of his poems and lyrics collectively as “songs.”
This chapter looks at the 1922 Committee in the years 1940–65. The outbreak of the Second World War and the formation of a coalition government dramatically changed the role of the 1922, which had previously been limited to information sharing among backbench MPs. With the end of adversarial conflict between the Conservatives and Labour and the suspension of much of the organisation of the Conservative Party, the 1922 served to maintain the integrity of the Conservative voice in dealing with ministers. The general election of 1945 saw the Conservatives lose almost half their seats. This created conditions for the strengthening of the 1922, which became an important forum for discussing how to challenge the new government, as well as for questioning the ongoing leadership of Winston Churchill. Later, with the Conservatives back in power, Harold Macmillan made a point of currying support from the 1922, a reflection of its increasing influence.