Research on the social and occupational patterns of Highland migrants in the nineteenth century city has revealed a more intriguing and complicated picture. It is clear that substantial migration only accelerated in the later eighteenth century as emerging employment opportunities in the growing urban areas combined with agrarian and demographic changes in the Highlands to increase the rate of outward movement considerably. The catholic Irish seem to have successfully preserved a subculture in the Scottish cities, much of it derived from a sense of shared religion and awareness of the overt hostility shown them by many in the host society. Gaelic services were a short-term means to a longer-term end, the successful adaptation of Highland migrants to urban life, and English speech was essential for that.

Chapter 2 looks at the early emergence of the discourse and reconstructs how reconciliation gained normative authority in the political sphere at all. It locates the beginning of this discourse in South Africa in the early 1990s, when the country transited from apartheid to democracy. In the course of the transitional negotiations ‘reconciliation’ was used by the antagonistic parties African National Congress (ANC) and National Party (NP) as a vague ideal which helped them to justify their various political demands and find a common reference point which made compromises possible. As chapter 3 shows, at this time reconciliation was not at all interpreted in terms of truth-telling or healing but was alternately related to political negotiations, compromise, power sharing or the release of political prisoners. It was only later, after the passing of the South African interim constitution in 1993 that the reconciliation ideal came to be firmly associated with the establishment of the South African TRC and the practices of truth-telling, healing and forgiveness. These constructions then remained relatively stable as they were reproduced throughout the workings of the TRC

Philip Sidney's and John Donne's portraits, or at least the iconographic assumptions embodied in them, are an essential part of their literary history. The iconographic tradition in England, even in providing a frontispiece for his imaginative writing, largely ignored the Sidney of poetry and romance. The version of the Abraham Blyenberch portrait engraved by Robert Vaughan, faced the title page of the second edition of his folio Workes published in 1640. Ironically, the William Shakespeare and Ben Jonson folios, despite Jonson's best efforts, made the authors' portraits inescapable for large, expensive and, especially, posthumous dramatic collections. There were four such folios in the remainder of the century, devoted to the works of Francis Beaumont and John Fletcher, Thomas Killigrew and Sir William Davenant. In fact, Jonson's resistance for being identified with his picture, rather than his book, was, even during his lifetime, outmoded.

This introduction presents an overview of the key concepts discussed in the subsequent chapters of this book. The book focuses on the wartime renegotiations of gender. It explores the everyday lives of a group of British women volunteers named the First Aid Nursing Yeomanry (FANY) who found themselves 'straight out of Edwardian drawing rooms into the manifold horrors of the First World War'. The book historicizes the FANY Corps' beginnings in social and cultural changes at the turn of the century that encouraged women's patriotic call to service amidst a growing nationalist and militarist discourse. It analyses the service and adventures of Grace Ashley-Smith, who worked as a FANY in Belgium in the autumn of 1914. The book examines the first collective FANY war service in Calais and their work with the Belgians at the Lamarck Hospital during late 1914 through 1915.

This chapter sketches out the acceleration of public interest in King Alfred from his birth in 1801, to the Wantage celebration organised almost single-handedly by Martin Farquhar Tupper in 1849 and Alfred Millenary committee's week-long extravaganza in 1901. Early on in the planning of the Millenary, it had been agreed that it would be desirable to open a museum of early English history in Winchester, as part of the Alfred commemoration. In the wake of the Winchester Millenary, many writers enlisted Alfred to their cause, capitalising on the sense of a seminal anniversary. Alfred's ninth-century kingdom of Wessex incorporated the Victorian counties of Somerset, Wiltshire, Berkshire and Devon. Alfred Bowker's achievement is all the more remarkable when it is considered that Winchester was not particularly prominent on the Alfredian tourist trail.

The Restoration Church of England rested on a paradox. This chapter explores how the church tried to negotiate various pitfalls caused by its monarchs, the church's 'one fatal flaw'. The royal supremacy provides a window onto the church's relationships with the crown, with other religious groups, and its internal heterogeneity. With a monarch like Charles II, tying the church to human law and royal supremacy was not a very secure defence. Some churchmen therefore retreated to the safer terrain of divine law. Much of the story of the later Stuart church is illuminated by the clash between coercive jurisdiction, held by monarchs, and moral authority, wielded by the church. William Wake emphasised the royal supremacy's constraints on convocation, albeit adding the caveat that in dire necessity the church could act on its own authority.

This explores the strike's distinctive Scottish industrial politics. The chronological focus is mainly from March to October 1984, when support for the strike among miners was generally strong, but when the broader solidarity of the labour movement in Scotland was tested by the picketing of the British Steel Corporation works at Ravenscraig and Hunterston, the coastal terminal through which strike-breaking coal passed. Against the grain of existing literature, this picketing is presented as highly rational: Ravenscraig represented a rare opportunity for the strikers to exert pressure on the government, and its closure would greatly have weakened Conservatism's already fragile position in Scotland. The head of BSC, Bob Haslam, after discussions involving government ministers, it is surmised, pressed Strathclyde Police to disperse the pickets and ensure a steady flow of coal into the plant.

The Liberal Party was the dominant party of British Government from its emergence in the 1850s until the Great War, but by the 1950s it was virtually wiped off the political map. Defections played a significant part in the decline, but until now they have never received detailed attention from historians or political analysts. The defection of a person who has served as an MP is effectively the verdict on their party at a specific date of a well-informed person with vested interests. A political defection is a significant act, which usually involves a public explanation, a severing of old links, a forging of new relationships and significant financial and career implications. In the cases of both outward and inward defectors the person must have served as an MP before the defection and at some stage the person must have served as a Liberal or Liberal Democrat MP.

Explores how security and stability within less developed countries became a central element of US security and ‘counter-subversion’ policy during the first Eisenhower administration. The chapter also examines how US policy in decolonizing countries had to go beyond internal security to development and nation building. The events described herein represent Washington's first in-depth exploration into events and processes defining the decolonizing world, and how it formulated and modified its response, the NSC 1290-d or Overseas Internal Security Program.