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Citizenship is the engine for the creation of spaces for collective action when people's life chances have been undermined and urban societies experience social and political tensions. This chapter discusses some debates on citizenship with special emphasis on the relation between national and urban citizenship. It then provides some examples in which citizenship claims are re-emerging through the active involvement of civil society through mobilisation around specific issues, such as supporting social housing. The chapter proposes an explanation of why social actors emerged outside traditional parties in southern European societies with the aim of restating rights, and shifting the discourse from austerity to social inequalities. It concludes with a brief note on the challenges in scaling up from urban citizenship practices and local politics to the level of effective national coordination of progressive political actors and policies which could promote new social contracts.
Chapter 4 sets out the principal-agent framework of power delegation that is applied to the Labour Party, the PS and SPD throughout the book. It first presents a brief overview of the literature that uses principal-agent frameworks to analyse power delegation inside political systems and political parties. Next, it highlights the problems that power delegation can cause inside parties, and explained how parties can address them. The chapter then outlines the conceptual framework that will subsequently be applied to the Labour Party, the PS and SPD, introducing four possible modes of power delegation between the three faces of the party organisations and the three levels. Next, the research questions guiding the empirical analysis in are introduced. As this book is primarily concerned with power delegation in the formulation of European policy and the processes of selecting EU specialists, both of these activities have been briefly described. Last but not least, this chapter mentions a number of factors that are likely to shape the parties’ dealings with the EU, namely: the legal regulations of internal party organisations; the parties’ EU positions; the financial resources available to the parties; and the status as parties in government or opposition.
This chapter explores how the legacies of empire became manifest in British attitudes and policies towards South Asians in their midst. It also explores South Asian responses to the British and Britain during the era of decolonisation, within the realms of politics, migration, employment, social attitudes and cultural forms. Like Kamala Markandaya, Hanif Kureishi does refer to the contrasting treatment of Asians in imperial and post-imperial Britain in his novel Borderline. The persistence of British imperial attitudes was accompanied by a reluctance to relinquish colonial mentalities completely, evident in the lingering appeal of Britain for western-educated Indians, particularly writers. Echoes of the imperial past feature prominently in the work of writers of Indian origin in post-war Britain. The legacy of imperial benevolence, which characterised the immediate post-war years, can be seen in the paternalistic tone accompanying public discussions of Commonwealth immigration.
Indo-China was bound to be considered a special case by the Vichy regime and the Free French movement. The development of a coexistence policy between Jean Decoux's administration and the Japanese military was never equivalent to Vichy collaborationism in Europe and Africa. Between late 1940 and 1945, the French administration in Indo-China was forced by circumstances to plough a distinctive furrow in order to survive intact. The Franco-Japanese clash at Langson set an important precedent. In October 1940 Decoux returned from a tour of Indo-China's colonial capitals convinced that the suppression of Vietnamese nationalism was fundamental to the continued exclusion of the Japanese. After the uprisings in late 1940, an inverse equation was soon established. As Decoux's real power and room for manoeuvre diminished in 1940-1941, so his determination to impose French authority upon Indo-China increased.
A dominant theme in childhood research is to view children and young people as having different but not lesser competencies than adults, and this feeds into data-collection strategies. This research used a combination of techniques, including questionnaires, focus-group discussions, photo prompts and story writing, in order to gain access to the complexity of young people's everyday worlds. The youth leader of an advisory group set up by Belfast City Council to advise it on issues affecting young people growing up in Belfast was contacted about the research. While questionnaires are often avoided in research with young people, more interactive and creative methods being favoured, this study found the questionnaire to be a valuable tool. Photo-elicitation is considered as a particularly appropriate tool for use in research where the participants are children and young people, as traditional interviewing may pose particular problems.
The fringe groups such as the League of Empire Loyalists took very different views of the 'multi-racial' Commonwealth. The Round Table was founded, as an early fund-raising document put it, with the 'one and only purpose' of orchestrating a movement 'to bring about the closer union of the British Empire'. The Round Table's commitment to imperial union dissolved rapidly in the 1940s, as a result primarily of the changes in the international system wrought by the Second World War and the onset of the Cold War. The notion of Commonwealth consultation and cooperation in foreign policy was eroded, however, by India's policy of nonalignment, subsequently adopted by other newly independent Commonwealth states. The Round Table's attitudes towards the 'end of empire' and towards the transition from Empire to Commonwealth evolved by a series of fits and starts, or by a series of crises followed by slow adaptations.
This section presents an annotated critical edition of Los calaveras. Artículo segundo y conclusión , one of the ‘artículos de costumbres’, a type of satirical sketch that was popular in nineteenth-century Europe, by the Romantic journalist Mariano José de Larra (1809–37).
This section presents an annotated critical edition of La vida de Madrid , one of the ‘artículos de costumbres’, a type of satirical sketch that was popular in nineteenth-century Europe, by the Romantic journalist Mariano José de Larra (1809–37).
This section presents an annotated critical edition of La fonda nueva , one of the ‘artículos de costumbres’, a type of satirical sketch that was popular in nineteenth-century Europe, by the Romantic journalist Mariano José de Larra (1809–37).
When Clive Barker's Weaveworld was first published in 1987, it was quite understandably consigned to the genre of fantasy/horror. The book is undoubtedly a remarkable and thrilling example. However, when read from a different perspective, the tale transcends the immediate limitations of its genre to provide a thought-provoking and evocative reflection on the times in which it was written. These were the 1980s, and the decade was marked by a number of dramatic and unprecedented events regarding Margaret Thatcher. Thatcher was at the helm of the British government with her monetarist fiscal policies, austerity measures, and the call for a return to core values. Broadly speaking, the villains of Weaveworld are notable for their Thatcherite traits. Conversely, Calhoun Mooney, Suzanna Parrish, and the Seerkind Immacolata collectively represent the forces for good in the novel, and, significantly, they oppose the vigorous virtues championed by Mrs Thatcher.
The audience had experienced Clive Barker's Freakz, a maze that was part of Universal Studios' Los Angeles Halloween Horror Nights in 1998. This chapter aims to move beyond discussions of Barker as a frustrated feature film auteur to consider his arguably greater and ongoing success as a brand-name auteur across media. In 1985, Barker wrote a screenplay for the low budget horror feature Underworld, and also had his Books of Blood short story 'Rawhead Rex' adapted for the screen by the same producers. Barker's involvement demonstrated the branding value of his name as something that could generate instant recognition and expectations for audiences. The 2000s were also notable for Barker's experimentation with other forms of digital media and his ongoing interest in negotiating immersive spectacle and narrative. One key area that Barker moved into during the decade was video games, most notably the productions Undying and Jericho.
Amidst calls for a return to the high tax rates of the 1950s and 60s, this book examines the tax dodging that accompanied it. Lacking political will to lower the rate, Congress riddled the laws with loopholes, exemptions, and preferences, while largely accepting income tax chiseling's rise in American culture. The rich and famous openly invested in tax shelters and de-camped to exotic tax havens, executives revamped the compensation and retirement schemes of their corporations to suit their tax needs, and an industry of tax advisers developed to help the general public engage in their own form of tax dodging through exaggerated expense accounts, luxurious business travel on the taxpayer's dime, and self-help books on 'how the insider's get rich on tax-wise' investments. Tax dodging was a part of almost every restaurant bill, feature film, and savings account. It was literally woven into the fabric of society.
The guerrilla war waged between the IRA and the crown forces from 1919 to 1921 was a pivotal episode in the modern history of Ireland. This book addresses the War of Independence from a new perspective by focusing on the attitude of a powerful social elite: the Catholic clergy. The close relationship between Irish nationalism and Catholicism was put to the test when a pugnacious new republicanism emerged after the 1916 Easter rising. When the IRA and the crown forces became involved in a guerrilla war from 1919 onwards, priests had to define their position anew. Using a wealth of source material, much of it new, this book assesses the clergy’s response to political violence. It describes how the image of shared victimhood at the hands of the British helped to contain tensions between the clergy and the republican movement, and shows how the links between Catholicism and Irish nationalism were sustained.
The operation of the British model of imperialism was never consistent, seldom coherent, and far from comprehensive. Purity campaigns, controversies about the age of consent, the regulation of prostitution and passage and repeal of contagious diseases laws, as well as a new legislative awareness of homosexuality, were all part of the sexual currency of the late Victorian age. Colonial governments, institutions and companies recognised that in many ways the effective operation of the Empire depended upon sexual arrangements. They devised elaborate systems of sexual governance, but also devoted disproportionate energy to marking and policing the sexual margins. This book not only investigates controversies surrounding prostitution, homosexuality and the age of consent in the British Empire, but also revolutionises people's notions about the importance of sex as a nexus of imperial power relations. The derivative hypothesis, which reads colonial sexuality politics as something England did or gave to its colonies, is illustrated and made explicit by the Indian Spectator, which seemed simply to accept that India should follow English precedent. In 1885, the South Australian parliament passed legislation, similar to England's Criminal Law Amendment Act, which raised the age of consent from 13 to 16 and introduced a series of restrictions and regulations on sexual conduct. Richard Francis Burton's case against the moral universalism and sex between men are discussed. 'Cognitively mapping' sexuality politics, the book has traced connections between people, places and politics, exploring both their dangers and opportunities, which revolve in each case around embroilments in global power.