This section presents an annotated critical edition of Empeños y desempeños , one of the ‘artículos de costumbres’, a type of satirical sketch that was popular in nineteenth-century Europe, by the Romantic journalist Mariano José de Larra (1809–37).

Land and its acquisition was at the heart of Australia's colonial history: land was the defining feature of settler colonialism. The Australian colonies had inherited the common-law doctrine of coverture, which could only restrict the free trade in land. There was always a tension within colonial liberalism between the social conservatism of the colonial vision of settlement and the capitalist imperative to commodify land, to promote a free and often speculative market. The free selection acts were quickly followed by conveyancing reforms, pioneered by the public servant R.R. Torrens in South Australia, which made land transactions cheaper and simpler for struggling smallholders and speculative subdividers alike. Yet the market in land for settlers was hampered by the limitations the law imposed on married women's economic agency, and on a married woman's capacity to buy and sell property.

This chapter reveals that Charlotte Bronte was deeply preoccupied with the movement of people and capital across global space, as well as with visions of restrictive local place. It moves on to focus upon Bronte's topical fascination with labour migration for single, middle-class women in the light of the friendship and correspondence with Mary Taylor, the model for Shirley's Rose Yorke, which informed Shirley's production and conception. Shirley returns to themes of female mobility, migration and work in subtler and more peripheral ways. Following Elizabeth Gaskell's defence of her friend's posthumous reputation in The Life of Charlotte Bronte, Bronte has frequently been associated with ideas of static and feminised local place, the dutiful daughter at home who, after death, haunted Haworth. The chapter seeks to restore critical attention to elements of mobility and global awareness within Bronte's writing.

By the time Operation Torch commenced, the Vichyite regimes across French North Africa had long since suppressed nationalist parties in all three Maghreb territories. In the two North African protectorates, Vichy's extension of the etat de siege martial law provisions enacted in 1939 allowed Resident Ministers Nogues and Esteva to employ military law to curb nationalist activity. Unable to influence events in Axis-occupied Tunisia, after Darlan's murder, the Free French reserved their most violent criticism for General Nogues. Whereas the Americans were the first to arrive in French North Africa, the British maintained an efficient economic infrastructure across West Africa. French vengeance upon the Muslim population of eastern Constantine was immediate and massive. Aside from its intrinsic importance as a dreadful landmark in the history of French Algeria, the Setif uprising perhaps exposed four issues of lasting historical significance.

This critical introduction lays out the intricacies of the historical context and provides an overview of Larra’s life and works, as well as a revised discussion of the concept of costumbrismo. It also pays attention to the ways in which Larra’s own life and works became an important icon for later generations of progressive Spaniards who embarked on further projects of critique and reform of traditional Spanish habits and institutions, and who saw in Larra an original critical voice preceding that of the modern intellectual.

This chapter examines the ways in which the legal ambiguities surfaced in the encounter between Indians and institutions in the United Kingdom. It demonstrates the willingness of British institutions to accept Indians as 'British subjects', and highlights the confusion that officials felt regarding this status, especially as it applied to Indians in the United Kingdom. The chapter also demonstrates the importance of class in determining Britishness at the legal level. The institutional approach to the status of Indians encouraged British officials to use the concept of imperial subjecthood in order to promote unity within the Empire. British subjecthood entitled Indian men who met the property qualifications to vote in elections and hold public office in the United Kingdom. Certificates of identity presented the ideal opportunity for Indians to continue in a centuries-old practice, the assertion of higher social status in potentially hostile political environments.

This chapter explores the historical development of the fear that informed the franchise arrangements of the 1910 Constitution. The question of an indigenous franchise had long been an issue central to politics in South Africa. The chapter traces a growing awareness of the vulnerability of white hegemony in a colony in which Whites were overwhelmingly outnumbered through a case study of Natal, the most British of the four South African colonies. It demonstrates the correlation between that fear and the restrictive franchise legislation for indigenous and other non-white inhabitants. The peculiarly settler-colonial context of the crucial relationship between the possession of property, particularly the acquisition of individual (and therefore alienable) tenure, and franchise rights remains central to the analysis. During the frontier phase of settler colonization settlers were anxious to secure life and property in the face of indigenous resistance to colonial expansion.

This chapter examines the historical role and impact of the postcolonial position in greater detail, firstly by analysing its underlying notion of cultural identity as well as its institutional critique. Secondly, by tracing how this critique has paved the way for greater recognition of artists from non-Western diasporas in an increasingly globalised art world. The chapter aims to work through the binarisms and simplifying categorisations of classic identity politics in the visual arts. In the discourse on cultural identity in relation to contemporary art, the most frequently used term is not 'cultural identity', although cultural identity and identity politics are clearly the issue. The blind spots in the critique of Westernism remind us of the need for more complexity-sensitive methods and theories in the field of art history and art criticism.

This introduction presents an overview of the key concepts discussed in this book. The book examines the meanings of 'law' and 'imperialism'. It explores the effects of the presence of indigenous peoples on the modification, interpretation and inheritance of British laws and the legal ideology by white law-makers. The book discusses the production of the serious and contested concept of 'sovereignty' and the modifications to legal practices made necessary by a reconsideration of both common law and customary law. It looks at specific instances of judicial decision-making, and more abstractly, at the relevance and appropriateness of issues of 'custom' and 'culture' in the courtroom. The book deals more directly with land and property at and around the actual and imagined frontiers of settler societies. It comments on the legacies of colonialism for both legal praxis and academic studies.

This chapter focuses on the multi-dimensional uses of walls both within and between interface areas. It explores how the physical divisions are perceived and experienced by young people who live in interface areas and how they view the architecture of division. The chapter discusses of young people's conflicting perceptions of the peace walls. The young people's attitudes to the use of flags as expressions of national identity are then examined and this is followed by a discussion of their attitudes to a wall portraying racist graffiti. The chapter presents the triple notions of teenagers as victims, perpetuators and transformers of political conflict. It considers the murals which adorn many walls within and at the margins of interface communities. Murals in Loyalist areas often represent tensions, rivalries and allegiances to different local paramilitary groups such as the Ulster Defence Association (UDA), the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) and the Loyalist Volunteer Force.

This chapter explores how the work of first-generation critical theory can offer some interesting and timely insights into the current political economy of emotion that binds happiness and wellbeing to positivity, productivity, and measurable output. It begins by charting the major historical conceptualizations of melancholia, both in its medical and cultural iterations, since these have played such a significant role in shaping our understanding of (un)happiness. The chapter focuses on Walter Benjamin's varied and complex engagements with melancholia, many of which contrast with the traditional readings of melancholia as inherently passive, inward-looking, static, and so forth. It closes with an analysis of Theodor Adorno's form of social critique and 'conscious unhappiness', that is, a wilful rejection of any privatized or individualized notion of happiness in favour of a militant and political discontent.

Chapter 7 studies the role played by the party in public office in the formulation of European policies and the selection of EU specialists. It first analyses the House of Commons, the National Assembly and the Bundestag’s EU scrutiny powers and the internal organisation of EU affairs. Second, it investigates the parliamentary parties’ dealings with the EU. The chapter finds that MPs have delegated a large amount of policy-making power to their respective government and to MEPs, often without exerting much formal control. Especially when in power, MPs tended to leave EU policies to their government. Thus, whilst the party in public office has some advantages over the party in central office and the party on the ground (above all, policy expertise and resources) it is not the clear ‘winner’. Still, this chapter also identifies a number of differences, which can be explained by comparing the institutional structures; the ways in which the parties prioritised their EU expertise in parliament; and the parties’ general attitude towards the EU. Overall, centre-left MPs have not pulled their weight in the formulation of European policies, or the scrutiny of government and the Members of the European Parliament. This is a story of missed opportunities.

This chapter seeks to draw up an outline of how 'globalisation' and 'migration' have been articulated in Western discussions of contemporary art since the 1990s, and how the two discourses intersect: 'art and globalisation' and 'art and migration'. Since the 1990s, terms such as 'global art', 'the global contemporary' and 'the global art world' have become a staple of mainstream art discourses. Thus, Jonathan Harris begins his introduction to the anthology Globalization and Contemporary Art by comparing 'globalisation' to the well-established terms 'modernism' and 'renaissance'. As opposed to the emphasis on globalisation-from-above in the discourse on contemporary art and globalisation, globalisation-from-below takes centre stage in the discourse on contemporary art and migration. Here, nodal points such as migration, diaspora, exile, refugeedom, displacement, precarity, subalternity, cosmopolitanism, cultural translation, creolisation and migratory aesthetics push globalisation into the background.