This chapter focuses on service rights which complement the legal rights which victims of crime have been afforded in Ireland. It maps the services which are available to victims at each stage in the criminal justice process, from reporting through to offender release. Many of the organisations discussed in the chapter offer counselling services and/or emotional support to victims outside of the criminal justice process. The importance of information provision, along with shortcomings in the delivery of information to victims at various stages of the process, is a recurring theme in this chapter. Gardaí play a crucial role in the support of victims of crime, not least because a Garda is the first person to whom a victim recounts the incident. The chapter explores the gaps between the rhetoric and the realities of service provision for victims of crime in Ireland with reference to available research on their experiences.

The creation of Land legislatures was of great relevance for the design of parliamentary structures for the new Federal Republic in 1949. This chapter describes the structures of the two chambers of the legislature of the Federal Republic: the Bundestag and the Bundesrat. The Bundestag, the lower chamber of the legislature of the Federal Republic of Germany, operates under relevant provisions of the Basic Law and under legislation such as the Electoral Law and the Party Law. The Bundesrat (Federal Council) is the most powerful second chamber in western Europe. It imports the 'federal' element to the legislative process, alongside the Bundestag's representation of the national 'popular' element. The chapter analyses the ways in which the functions of the legislature are carried out and examines the social composition of the Bundestag in relation to its representative function.

This chapter considers how Manchester’s footballing culture developed during the 1870s, analysing and interpreting the communities that became established in Manchester, how they developed the sport and what their influences were. It considers changes in the Manchester environment where, during the decade of Hulme Athenaeum’s existence, the population had increased to over 400,000 by 1871, exacerbating existing problems such as overcrowding in slum areas. The problems were those of a big commercial city, and polluted Manchester epitomised all that was socially bad in the effects of the Industrial Revolution. This chapter highlights the continuing influence of individuals such as Fitzroy Norris, who established Manchester’s second prominent association football club, Manchester Association, and remained a member of the footballing community for the rest of his life.

This chapter presents some concluding thoughts on black civil rights discussed in this book. During the 1950s and 1960s the spread of more liberal attitudes and values, reflected in the rise of Martin Luther King and the post-war Civil Rights Movement, inspired scholars to investigate the African American past. Scholarly debate on the African American experience from the 1890s through to the early 1920s gathered momentum with fresh studies on the spread of racial segregation and black migration to the cities. The rise of feminism and growth in popularity of women's history in the closing decades of the twentieth century prompted academic researchers to pay more attention to the issue of gender in all periods of African American history. Whether writing about the 1890s or the 1980s historians began to recognize the importance of class divisions in African American communities and the civil rights struggle.

Since his death in 1998, memories of Powell have been partial yet persistent and forever associated with his ‘Rivers of Blood’ speech. Each year on 20 April, the anniversary of this speech, there are renewed effort to canonise Powell. Many of those who attempt this canonisation of Powell suggest, however, that his legacy must be detangled from a politics of race. Instead, invoking Powell is often used as a signifier in more coded debates as a politics that was first able to establish ‘magical connections’ and ‘short-circuits’ between the themes of race and immigration control, while evoking the images of the nation, the British people and the destruction of ‘our culture, our way of life’. Tracing the genealogy of these memories allows us to analyse the continuities, fissures and contradictions of racism as an ideology which has coalesced around the symbolism of Powell. The chapter examines the survival processes of Powell’s memory and his partial rehabilitation from the wilderness.

This chapter explains the emergence of the modern assumptions commitments and strategic priorities that have shaped the position of the victim in the justice system. In particular, it demonstrates how the paradigm of prosecuting and investigating crime moved from an intensely local, unstructured and victim-precipitated arrangement to a structured, adversarial, State-monopolised event where the accused was largely silenced and the victim was rendered invisible. The chapter traces the ways in which different justice systems have accommodated victims of crime. It highlights the broad historical changes in the assumptions and realities that governed victim relations under pre-modern exculpatory and modern inculpatory models of justice. The chapter represents the shift from personal to institutional relations, ensuring that subjective and emotive experiences were increasingly represented as invalid, tainted knowledge.

Karl Siebengartner demonstrates the function of fanzines within a local space, while also shedding light on the inner-workings of a particular punk milieu. By using Munich and its punk fanzines as a case study, the chapter challenges assumptions as to the development and influence of German punk. Methodologically, Siebengartner argues, fanzines offer a crucial resource for constructing a view from within this metropolitan subculture.

In 2016, Ireland joined over fifty countries worldwide in the adoption of candidate gender quotas, and it became the first case of a country doing so under the single transferable vote electoral system. Its impact was evident from the dramatic rise in the number of women candidates fielded in this election – 163, as compared with 86 in 2011. This chapter builds on previous research of the Irish case to assess whether the use of gender quotas had any impact on voters’ attitudes towards women candidates. The analyses of INES data in previous elections found no evidence of voter prejudice against female candidates. There could be reason to expect that this might change in the light of gender quotas. The introduction of the quota in 2016 was a significant ‘shock’ to the system: Parties were forced to find a large number of women candidates very quickly, so the recruitment pool was likely to have more ‘average’ women in it. Given this context, the chapter tests for true bias among the Irish electorate. The analysis reveals little evidence of this on the whole, apart from the slight exception of Fianna Fáil, whose supporters revealed some male bias. Apart from that partial exception, the findings generally are consistent with previous studies: What matters most is how well the candidate is known, and therefore it is incumbency that is the main factor, not the sex of the candidate.

Punk’s youthful energy is here captured by Nic Bullen, remembering how fanzines provided a key aspect of his punk epiphany. As a pre-teen school kid, fanzines opened up new horizons for Bullen, enabling contact with the networks that helped sustain punk’s evolving culture and fired the inquisitive minds of those attracted to punk’s angry aesthetic.

This chapter argues that violence, and especially lethal violence, is strictly managed on the periphery of São Paulo. It argues against the idea of banalisation of violence in favelas, as its thesis is that there is strict control of the use of force in the favelas and neighbourhoods of São Paulo’s peripheries of . It presents three ethnographic situations of the ‘Primeiro Comando da Capital (PCC) era’ in which members of the ‘world of crime’ interact in a particular way with police officers and lawyers. The diverse normative repertoire of PCC’s practices is analysed vis-à-vis the state’s violence management tools, with which they coexist in the peripheral zones of São Paulo. Four dimensions are specifically analysed: (i) state justice; (ii) the court room justice of ‘crime’; (iii) the selective justice of the police; and (iv) divine justice. The ethnographic study shows how this repertoire divides different projects of regulation of violence in the city, which have given birth to the different normative regimes analysed in this book.

This conclusion chapter summarises the main lines of developments in British historiography, the relationships between those developments and academic practice. In the nineteenth century, when history was established as an academic profession, the notion of objectivity was often described as a matter of 'science'. Such was the prestige of the natural sciences that 'science' was regarded as an objective ideal to which all branches of learning aspired. The chapter suggests that historians must see the variety and the ever-changing nature of historiography as a strength, not a weakness, and that they should not resign from their task of interpreting the history of human actions. Of course history is about the past, but historiography is always responsive to present interest and needs. It is a human artefact, so inevitably it is a part of the intellectual life of the society that produces it.

Framed by an examination of neoliberalism’s emphasis on individual agency – and claims that feminism is no longer needed or relevant – this chapter animates the figure of the killjoy to explore solo works in which public displays of unhappiness, dysphoria and ingratitude force a re-examination of the relationship between gender, individual responsibility and the social. If the killjoy is imagined to spoil everyone else’s good time, it is only because they draw attention to the bad faith social contracts – exemplified and exaggerated by the politics of austerity – which oblige some but not all to practice self-sacrifice in the name of a greater social good.Featured practitioners: Bridget Christie, Ursula Martinez, Adrienne Truscott, La Ribot, Cristian Ceresoli and Silvia Gallerano, Gary Owen.