This chapter considers various accounts offered for the challenges confronting liberal international order today, and finds them wanting. It is argued that the most militarily aggressive and revisionist states over the thirty years since the end of the Cold War have been the status quo states of the West, not ‘emerging powers’ such as Russia or China. It is Western states that have repeatedly used force to reshape the international order as well as adapting international organisation to suit their new humanitarian outlook. This cuts against the expectations of International Relations theory regarding the origin of revisionist challenges to international order, and requires explanation. As this new form of liberal revisionism arises from the status quo states rather than outside them, this type of behaviour is called ‘inverted revisionism’.

The achievements of race leaders like Malcolm X and Stokely Carmichael generally took more subtle, less tangible, forms. These included community empowerment, heightened racial pride and consciousness, and a decolonization of the black ghetto mind, rather than specific political initiatives to address the physical problems of the inner cities. Thus scholars in the 1960s and 1970s concluded that the Black Power Movement was lacking in any true substance, meaning or accomplishments, and was therefore not worthy of serious study. Transcribed and edited with the assistance of African American journalist Alex Haley, The Autobiography of Malcolm X quickly became regarded as the authoritative account of his life and became an inspirational text for Black Power leaders of the late 1960s and early 1970s. By the 1970s and 1980s academics were beginning to make a welcome, if overdue, contribution to the understanding of Black Nationalism of the 1960s.

The conclusion considers the impact of digital on film production, exhibition and consumption. The growth of the digital requires us to rethink with particular urgency the relationship of film to the real. Film studies should, in general, be vigilant in the face of celebratory, even utopian accounts of film production, exhibition and consumption in the digital age.

This chapter offers concluding thoughts regarding humanitarian exceptionalism. It is argued that liberal interventionism has globalised political infantilism, and so undercuts the aspiration to political self-reliance and autonomy, as well as amplifying the conceits of US global leadership as the ‘indispensable nation’, luring the US and its Western allies into thinking that international order is easily malleable. The result has been enormously destructive. It is argued that the problem has not been the instrumentalisation of human rights, but the fact that they embody the ideology of permanent war and political paternalism.

This conclusion presents an overview of the key concepts discussed in the preceding chapters of this book. The book examines the criminal justice system's interactions with victims of crime. It demonstrates the 'conditions of possibility' of the return of victims of crime by examining the factors that shaped this emergence and informed its assumptions. The book focuses on 'rupture', 'discontinuity' and the 'incidence of interruptions' in order to produce a proper understanding of this emergence. It considers service provision for victims of crime. The book charts the challenges which continue to face service users, providers and the wider criminal justice sector in the delivery of services which are responsive to the needs of victims and meet increased demands under the EU Directive on Victims' Rights.

The introduction sets out in part to locate The Clash in their own very specific historical context. It is argued that the band offer one of the most compelling cultural documents of that moment when the crisis of social democracy paved the way for what would in time be termed the ‘neoliberal revolution’. While The Clash may well have chronicled the political defeats of the past, the body of work that they bequeathed to us represents perhaps one of the resources that might facilitate a rather more progressive political future. There has been no time since the band parted company when their songbook has seemed more relevant. It is acknowledged that there are certain dangers in seeking to take radical artists like The Clash out of their own place and time. Not the least of these is the possibility that we might mimic the culture industries in canonising the band in ways that airbrush out their critical political perspective. The chapter concludes, however, that there are theoretical resources that allow us to avoid this pitfall and to embrace The Clash as though they were a contemporary band, documenting our own current period of global economic and political crisis.

Slovakia had been on the periphery of the region due to its historic role in the Hungarian Empire prior to the 1918 formation of the Czechoslovak state. However, the state moved into a more Western orbit after the First World War and then asserted its own national autonomy after achieveing independence from the Czechoslovak state in 1993. Debates about the size of its armed forces were crucial in light of its aspirations for membership in NATO, a hope that came to fruition in 2004. Their troops did play a role in the alliance involvements in Afghanistan, Iraq, Kosovo, and Bosnia just before and after their entry into the Western military alliance. In spite of their small size, their perceptions of themselves as a small nation or “tiger”on the move made them a significant player in regional defense strategies.

This chapter seeks to explain a significant puzzle of the 2016 election. There is now a very extensive literature linking economic performance with the electoral performance of government parties, with the relationship being a positive one. The 2016 election was an unusual illustration of a government being punished despite being able to point to a record of very significant economic growth and rapidly falling unemployment as Ireland’s recovery from the economic crash and bailout made it such a good example of the success of ‘austerity’ policies. Drawing on many studies that argue for certain contingencies in the relationship, this chapter explores a number of ways in which the good economy–government-returned-to-office relationship went wrong. A key finding, contrary to general tendencies in the literature on economic voting, is that ‘pocketbook’ considerations were very significant in determining how voters felt about the government parties. The chapter offers some reasons why the Irish case is unusual and also questions the theoretical bases on which ‘pocketbook’ voting is downplayed in the economic voting literature.

Focusing on the period 1840–1863, this chapter highlights how organised sports such as pedestrianism became examples of how to establish a working-class sporting spectacle in the years prior to football’s widespread development across the conurbation. The attractions of football were not apparent to the wider population prior to the 1870s; however, there was footballing activity in Manchester during the 1840s to 1860s. In terms of organised football, individual games were staged in the region, while multiple versions of football were developing throughout this period. Some resembled soccer, some rugby, but the end of the 1850s and beginning of the 1860s saw more distinction between the versions. By the 1860s rules were being documented across the country. The Football Association, established in London in 1863, aimed to produce one set of national rules to follow, while Manchester turned towards a version based on rugby. This chapter contains analysis of the games, incidents and related activities and provides an understanding of the developing sporting culture of the city.

Justice systems are partially being reconstructed again, as they demonstrate an increased sensitivity to the needs and concerns of victims of crime. It has been suggested that a number of factors has facilitated the increased awareness of victims in Western criminal justice systems, which are discussed in this chapter. To begin with, the introduction of state compensation programmes can be viewed as an early attempt to move victims away from the periphery of the criminal process. The growth in the women's movement also 'raised the consciousness of women to the oppression of criminal violence'. The European Convention of Human Rights acts as another influential normative framework that seeks to extend the reach of rights in the criminal process to include victims of crime. The chapter provides information on specific challenges for the Irish criminal process. It also presents an overview of the key concepts discussed in this book.

The ethnography presented here searches for the parameters of São Paulo’s contemporary urban order. The Introduction presents the main argument of the book, its methods and chronology of urban transformations in São Paulo which led to the emergence of the ‘world of crime’. The author argues in favour of understanding São Paulo’s urban conflict through the formal notion of normative regimes, in contrast to the view, dominant in the academic literature, which still presents ‘urban violence’ as the opposite of the ‘modern order’ or ‘democracy’. Historically, and the metropolis of São Paulo is exemplary in this regard, these notions have always been intrinsically related.