In this chapter, the local situations of Birmingham and London are analysed. Although these were the two conurbations accommodating by far the largest number of immigrant children, they were reluctant to introduce dispersal. In Birmingham, some key Labour figures (Denis Howell, Roy Hattersley) campaigned actively in favour of it, and were dissatisfied when the city refused to operate it, afraid as it was of its detrimental effects. There, dispersal was a major bone of contention, until a voluntary type of dispersal was finally decided upon, which proved ineffective against ethnic-minority clustering in schools. In the Inner London Education Authority, dispersal was more massively rejected, mostly owing to a neighbourhood-school-based approach and to the specific resources London enjoyed. Lastly, this chapter studies the debate on the introduction of ‘banding’ in Haringey, which was presented as an IQ-based type of dispersal. This caused a major controversy after Alderman Doulton locally suggested West Indians had lower IQs than autochthonous pupils.

The Vietnam War posed significant challenges to academics on educational exchange who were expected under the Fulbright Program to be ambassadors as well as researchers. The CIA surveillance of the anti-war movement and political interference in the administration of the Fulbright Program from government caused academics in both Australia and America to defend the autonomy of the program. How did scholars interpret the ambassadorial expectation when they were opposed to their government’s foreign policy? Many also found they could not speak critically of their national government without antagonising their hosts. Living up to the Fulbright Program’s ideal of achieving ‘mutual understanding’ was very much a matter of learning by experience, to be interpreted by scholars for whom research was actually the priority.

This chapter critically addresses the temporary reception of refugees and asylum seekers in Europe, by focusing on the everyday forms and practices of resistance that migrants put in place, primarily to counter the 'illegalising' policies of EU states. Conceptually, the chapter connects critical citizenship studies with autonomy of migration debates, to discuss the immobility – or the 'temporality of waiting' – of the prolonged moment during which migrants are stuck in the net of EU migration policies. The chapter focuses on a specific form of refugee response initiative – a self-reception system in the form of the City Plaza in Athens (Greece), a disused hotel that has been squatted by migrant activists and refugees to produce a space of accommodation and social support. The chapter argues that through City Plaza, we witness practices of 'autonomous geographies' that constitute forms of self-provided 'alternative' welfare, capable of extending and renegotiating the status of citizenship and enacting diverse forms of solidarity. In addition, they provide a discursive space of political legitimation, while acknowledging alternative and non-state forms of 'citizenship in motion'. The chapter is based on six months’ fieldwork in Athens, living and working at City Plaza as a refugee accommodation and solidarity space.

Hélène Cixous' unusual position as an academic critic/poet has made the reception of her work problematic. In marking the continuity between writing and the feminine Cixous is deeply indebted to Jacques Derrida who was a personal friend and intellectual soul-mate for many years. Her work leads her to acknowledge that her feminist politics do not promise a resolution to the darkest mysteries. Thus she declares that politics leads her to faith and faith leads her to cast her lot with those who do not deny 'the mysteries that beat in the heart of the world'. The image of writing as child returns us to the central theme of Cixous' work, and that is that writing belongs to the body, but not only to the body in its procreative power.

Testing the book’s central argument, this chapter examines the positions taken by individual MPs, the two major parties, the British press, and public opinion over the twenty-five year period. Analysis is also provided on the effects on individual members of the political elite in the light of European events. There are a number of trajectories related to this chapter which can be found in Appendix 6. These individual trajectories show the various and often changing positions of MPs over the period 1959–84, and whether they supported leave or remain in the 1975 referendum. In respect of the press, the trajectories cover the twelve leading British newspapers and journals and their positions on EEC membership. The trajectories on public opinion clearly demonstrate, for example, how opinion shifted from being anti-membership to strongly pro-membership leading up to Wilson’s decision to hold a referendum in 1975.

This chapter is the first in the final section of The Existential Drinker, and notes that while the novel has many features of an Existential-drinker text, it is also beginning to look to other ways of representing characters who commit to drinking. Although the novel is set in Depression-era America its portrayal of down-and-outs in Albany is implicitly a counterblast to the greed of the 1980s. It has identifiable Existential elements, but these compete with other responses to the puzzle of existence, including a kind of spiritual comportment to the world which overlaps with some of the religious (Catholic) aspects of the book, and an occasional deterministic outlook. As well as the central character, Francis Phelan, the chapter also gives due consideration to his sometime girlfriend Helen, who lives in an arguably more wholehearted Existential manner than Francis.

The gaze simultaneously demonised and celebrated in Masques is that of the apparently all-powerful game-show host, Legagneur. The conflation of the gaze of God and the gaze of television, explored by Claude Chabrol briefly in Inspecteur Lavardin and at length in Masques, is embodied in Dr M by the media tycoon Marsfeldt. Masques continued Chabrol's mid-1980s renaissance under the auspices of the producer Marin Karmitz. But Karmitz refused to produce or even distribute three of Chabrol's next four films, Le Cri du hibou, Dr M and Jours tranquilles à Clichy. In terms of both style and theme, L'Enfer is cinematic where Dr M is televisual. L'Enfer concludes with two endings, one in which Paul kills Nelly, and one in which he fantasises her murder, then recovers his lucidity long enough to realise that he can no longer tell what is real and what is imagined.