In 1967 Pablo Neruda wrote his only play, Fulgor y muerte de Joaquín Murieta, which recreated the popular legend of the Chilean emigrant in “gold rush” California, who ended up becoming a bandit, pursued, and killed by the rangers. With the data collected during his trip to the United States, Neruda wrote his piece with the collaboration of the director Pedro Orthous, a member of the Chilean National Theater and one of the best representatives of political theater in Latin America. Both in the staging and in the text, the influence of Bertolt Brecht, whose work began to be known throughout the world, is discernible, but also that of the political theater written in Spain before and during the Civil War, especially of Fermín Galán, the drama of another communist poet friend of Neruda, Rafael Alberti.

Chapter 5 tackles the meanings and emotions an image can afford through its contents and form. The body of the image refers to the characteristics of the image, its visual features, pictorial composition, and material form, and how those together afford certain meanings and interpretations of the image in a specific moment in its life trajectory. The visual interpretation method is presented then applied on a case example of street poster images.

Given a brief to discuss ‘female voices’ in ancient Greek poetry one might be tempted to choose Sappho or other women poets – like Praxilla or Telesilla – who were influential enough in their own time (and later) to have lyric meters named after them. But the surviving scraps of their poetry are not easily placed in their exact cultural context, and I have chosen instead to use a familiar text that survives in extenso and offers a range of extraordinarily influential paradigms for ways of behaving, thinking and feeling in ancient Greek society – the Iliad.

This chapter covers the current state of knowledge on the relationship between terrorism and voter’s preferences and political attitudes. Theoretical models deliver very often ambiguous predictions since, on the one hand, voters may want to punish incumbents for their lack of competence in preventing terrorist attacks but, on the other hand, the “rally-around-the-flag” effect can benefit them. The empirical evidence shows that terrorist attacks change the political preferences of voters and the result of elections. Terrorist attacks usually increase the participation of voters and, in general, the support for right-wing parties since they are perceived by the population as stronger against terrorism than left-wing parties. The effect is stronger the closer is the terrorist attack to the data of the election. Despite these improvements in our knowledge on the empirical relationship between terrorism and political attitudes, there is a need to move to more credible empirical methodologies using natural experiments or agent-based models.

The Gulf is changing the geography of production and consumption. Its import demand is leading to control over production in agricultural countries in Asia and Africa. Its weight in export markets gives it influence over trade terms and standards of production. This is concomitant with the development of transport infrastructure and the growth of the Gulf’s logistical sector. A facet of this change is a fundamental reorganisation of regional food trade that has allowed countries such as the UAE and Saudi Arabia to achieve some of the largest values of food exports in the Arab region. Another trend is the increasing control that Gulf conglomerates have over food production in regional countries such as Egypt and Iran.

The publication of a generous selection of Pat Easterling’s articles requires little justification. Alongside the commentaries on Trachiniae and Oedipus at Colonus and the monumental (and intensely collaborative) editorial work, articles have been a preferred medium for Pat Easterling (PE) throughout her career. PE uses the concision of the article, as indeed the commentator’s note, to put forward tersely considered arguments that have the weight of much longer discussions. All are significant; many have established themselves as major points of reference. PE’s articles are responsible, even more probably than the path-breaking Trachiniae commentary and the still essential Cambridge Companion to Greek Tragedy, for her status as one of the most influential Hellenists of her generation.

In this chapter, we explore the scholarly literatures on the effects of liberal democratic governance on the likelihood of terrorist violence, and on the threat posed by terrorist campaigns to liberal democracy.  Most disagreements in these literatures stem from the fact that the reciprocal relationship between democracy and terrorism is highly complex and largely contingent upon structural elements and other characteristics of states and terrorist organizations.  In regard to general institutional structure, we maintain that in offering checks against the majoritarian impulse towards authoritarianism, in subjecting policymaking to institutional competition, and in allowing for the responsible and effective exercise of executive prerogative, presidential democracy offers greater resistance to autocratization in the face of terrorism than parliamentary democracy.  We find empirical support for this proposition in analysis of cross-national time-series data on democratic structural integrity and the maintenance of civil rights and liberties for the period 1970-2012.

This essay focuses on Pablo Neruda’s politics as seen in his social and historical poetry, much of it having been published after the end of World War II. It concentrates on two collections: Canto general (1950) and España en el corazón (1937), in which one sees the development of a more pronounced political and historicist agenda. The latter text focuses on Spain and specifically on his witnessing of the Spanish Civil War, a conflict that forced him to take sides with the republicanos and the Marxist cause. Later, after the horrors of World War II, he published Canto general, where the Marxist and communist cause becomes fundamental to his poetry, whether it treats the “liberators” of Latin America throughout the centuries, the segregationist United States, or the Soviet Union. In sum, Neruda progressed in the mid-twentieth century into a profoundly committed political poet.

Like other areas of law and legal practice, the arbitration world is beginning to grapple with how to harness the potential of artificial intelligence (AI) while managing its risks. Analogizing to existing AI tools for analysing case law and judicial behavior, as well as to algorithmic hiring applications, this chapter explores how similar technology could be used to improve the process of selecting investment arbitrators. As criticisms of investment arbitration continue to mount, a new selection tool could help to address systemic concerns about fairness, diversity, and legitimacy. Such a tool could level the playing field for parties in terms of access to information about prospective arbitrators as well as expand and diversify the pool of viable candidates. In addition to providing guidance for the parties making their own selections, the suggested tool could be used by arbitral institutions to help with appointing the tribunal president or even, with the parties’ consent, the entire panel. The chapter provides a framework for thinking through questions of design and implementation and concludes by addressing potential challenges and objections.

This chapter examines the origins of the Home Rule movement during the 1870s focusing on Isaac Butt’s pioneering vision of federalism as a constitutional solution to Ireland’s governance. The analysis reveals how Butt’s Irish Federalism (1870) proposed a radical reimagining of the United Kingdom’s structure,creating national parliaments for local affairs while maintaining an imperial parliament for common concerns. The chapter explores the intellectual foundations of this federalist model, showing how it emerged from earlier debates about representation while attempting to reconcile Irish autonomy with the Union. Butt’s federalist framework was fundamentally unionist in intent, seeking to perfect rather than dissolve the imperial connection. However, as the chapter traces, this nuanced constitutional position became obscured as the Home Rule idea was adopted by more radical voices who reinterpreted it along separatist lines. The chapter illuminates this pivotal transitional period when the constitutional experimentation of federlaism gave way to the more rigid nationalist/unionist binaries that would dominate Irish politics by the 1880s.

Food acts as a proxy for different political agendas in the Gulf states. For governments, it is a means to reproduce nationalism and identity; it is a vehicle for citizen upgrading. Questions of environmental sustainability and consumption pervade food and agriculture, and in the Gulf, this is managed through a techno-political discourse. The development of indoor farms that utilise technology presents farming as a means to produce food that is free of its social and ecological dimensions. Lastly, the chapter illustrates the way in which boycotts provide Gulf societies with a means of expression and agency.

This chapter investigates the role of science and technology as a function of the history of the World War II effort to transform national security resource and acquisition under Vannevar Bush at MIT, its effects upon American society as President Eisenhower warned the nation in 1961, and the later forces of globalization, the knowledge economy and accelerating emerging and disruptive science and technology as applied to war and terror today. Important is our understanding of our application of a specific logic to war and terror after 9/11; forward deployment of American military power overseas and homeland security (defense of the homeland) for the purpose of understanding the rapid evolution of technological capability in achieving outcomes. Furthermore, we will look more specifically at emerging science and technology as a particular area of technological innovation that stems from research and development phenomena that is tasked to provide outsize national security, specifically counterterrorism deliverables for the United States.

Chapter 7 focuses on more local dynamics over cross-border voting in certain borderland localities where all scales merge, and where palimpsestic political communities emerge even more clearly. It emphasizes the question of authority in the recognition or contestation of belonging. By campaigning in the Togolese borderlands in the 2000s, the Ghanaian political parties aimed to instrumentalize cross-border ties and recognized the authority of the local level in confirming belonging to the nation. This chapter demonstrates that the local level is the authority on and the gatekeeper of national belonging. As a consequence it shows that the local level is the most powerful layer of belonging in the palimpsestic political communities of the region, since it is capable of influencing all the other layers of belonging.

The best models for certain neural matters underlying the expression of our agency are stochastic or probabilistic. While this fact has been thought to be consistent with the notion that we are irreducible agents who settle matters that aren’t already settled, this consistency has come under dispute. It has been argued that, given probabilistic models apply to the underlying neural matters, for the way we express the ability to settle matters that aren’t already settled to perfectly align with what should be expected would, over the long run, amount to a wild coincidence. I argue that this objection is an empirical objection that goes against empirical findings. Thus, it isn’t credible. Moreover, what we continue to observe through neuroscience is evocative of the idea that we are irreducible agents who do this sort of settling in the midst of disposing and inclining factors.