To save content items to your account,
please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies.
If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account.
Find out more about saving content to .
To save content items to your Kindle, first ensure no-reply@cambridge.org
is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings
on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part
of your Kindle email address below.
Find out more about saving to your Kindle.
Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations.
‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi.
‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
This chapter first deals with the conquest of the land and the creation of a kingdom of Israel, thereby indicating the course of modern criticism, pointing out the contradictions in the narratives, and rendering the conception of history presented by the tradition incredible. It then presents an account of the land settlement and of the three centuries after Israel's settlement in Canaan, recording the deeds of the judges and the personalities and works of the first three kings. The tribes that were, theoretically, rather closely united before Israel became a state numbered in reality sometimes more, sometimes less, than twelve, but always about that number. The Old Testament contains other such groups of twelve, for example the sons of Nahor, of Ishmael, and the tribes of Edom. The chapter ends by presenting a note on Solomon's military organization and his rule's administrative districts.
The pages of Western Asian history during 1370-1300 BC have had little to tell about Assyria or Babylonia since the reigns of Shamshi-Adad I and of his son Ishme-Dagan in the former, and since the end of Hammurabi's last successor in the latter. The moment of destiny for Assyria in its relation with the Human kingdoms which had long oppressed her was undoubtedly the murder of Tushratta, king of Mitanni, by one of his sons. In the south, Ashur-uballit's relations with Babylonia were intimate and dramatic, and are fairly well known. An Assyrian poem, written in a spirit of undisguised chauvinism, presents an epical description of a war between Assyria and Babylonia. Assyria under Enlil-nīrāri was successful in the war; he was succeeded by his son Arik-dēn-ili, whose reign lasted for twelve years. The efforts of Arik-dēn-ili appear more as the usual offensive-defensive operations against the highlands than as moves in a conflict with Kassite Babylonia.
When Ramesses III died, not quite two months after he had begun the thirty-second year of his reign, no one could have imagined that the last great pharaoh had gone. In about the middle of the Twentieth Dynasty references are repeatedly made in Egyptian texts to incursions by Libyans. A considerable part of the information now available about the Twentieth Dynasty is derived from documents which were written for the group of workmen who constructed the tombs of the kings of the New Kingdom in the Valley of the Kings and the tombs of their queens in the Valley of the Queens at Thebes. While the kings of the Twenty-first Dynasty ruled from Tanis generations of high priests of Amun, descendants of Hrihor, were in power at Thebes. In so far as each high priest succeeded either his father or his brother in the office, the seven high priests form a dynasty.
This chapter deals with the history of Anatolia from the period of Shuppiluliumash till the Egyptian war of Muwatallish. Shuppiluliumash had already, as crown prince, succeeded in stabilizing the situation during the later part of the reign of Tudkhaliash, his father. He had led the Hittite armies skilfully and successfully and had restored the frontier, particularly in the north and in the east. When Murshilish, son of Shuppiluliumash, ascended the throne, his efforts in the first ten years were concentrated upon the reassertion of Hittite power, mainly in Asia Minor. Under him, the empire spread from the Lebanon and the Euphrates in the south to the mountains of Pontus in the north and to the western reaches of Asia Minor. As field-marshal of the Hittite armies Khattushilish, the younger brother of Murshilish, claims to have conducted numerous campaigns for his brother, both offensively and defensively.
In order to complete the prolegomena to historical Greek religion, this chapter indicates what is known of the religion of the Minoan and Mycenaean peoples, and attempts an estimate of how far the religion of these times survived in the Homeric poems and in later Greece. Representations of Greek myth and belief have been eagerly sought in Minoan-Mycenaean art, but amount to little more than a probable Europa on the bull and a possible Zeus with the scales of destiny. On the other hand the mythological links connecting Greece with Crete are many and important. If the myths suggest an origin in the Mycenaean age, so does the cult, for often the same places retained an unbroken sanctity from Mycenaean to historic times. A cosmogonical idea preserved by Homer is that of the origin of all things from water. This is expressed mythologically by calling Oceanus, the river which encircled the earth's disc.
In the Aegean many centuries constitute the Dark Age that preceded the Greek Renascence of the later eighth century. On the west coast of Asia Minor, the people who set the pace were the Greeks. It was not till the seventh century, long after they had consolidated their possession of the coastlands, which the Greeks of Asia began to meet opposition to their inland penetration. The schematic prose traditions of the migrations to the East Aegean after the Trojan War seem in general to have been compilations of the fifth century BC. Aeolic expeditions to Lesbos and the Aeolis are recorded, under the leadership of sons and descendants of Orestes. Two main ancient sources for the foundations in Ionia are Strabo and Pausanias. Pausanias, in a more circumstantial account, makes Neleus the second son of Codrus and, together with his younger brothers, the leader of the lonians in their overseas migration.
The primary problem of the central Sudan during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries was that of consolidation, of state and of society. The main stages of penetration and expansion occurred in earlier centuries: the arrival of outstanding individuals or groups; the more general encroachment of nomads upon settled realms; the transmission of Islam across the Sahara and its planting in the Sudan; the extension of a corresponding framework of trade; the crucial exodus of the court of the Saifawa from Kanem to Bornu towards the end of the fourteenth century. The same patterns may, indeed, be traced in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. In Wadai, with the coming of 'Abd al-Karīm in the early seventeenth century, there is an unusually late instance of the héros civilisateur theme. Nomad incursions continued, and, as records become fuller in later years, it is possible to analyse the contribution, probably overrated, of such people to state formation; and also, perhaps, by analogy to suggest the process which may have taken place in earlier times. The expansion of Islam was also repeated again and again, on the smaller stages of outlying states, such as Mandara, Bagirmi and Wadai. Even the exodus to Bornu was a continuing affair, often closely associated with nomad groups.
The persistence of these patterns of mobility is one major qualification to be attached to the fundamental theme of consolidation. Another arises from the fact that the same event may be seen either as illustrative of mobility, even of the dissolution of society, or of consolidation, depending upon one's point of view.
The expansion of Mycenaean civilization had been bound up with a vigorous trading activity in the eastern Mediterranean, and for the archaeologist the recession of that trade is one of the most obvious symptoms of the Mycenaean decline. For later Greeks the Trojan War was the best remembered event of the Mycenaean age: it is the central fact of history behind the Iliad and Odyssey; and it was constantly present to the Greek mind as a turning-point of the heroic age. The list of Trojan allies in Iliad II is but sketchy compared with the Greek catalogue; and this strengthens the belief in its Mycenaean date. The wide coalition of presumably maritime allies who assisted the King of Libya is indicative of seriously disturbed conditions in the eastern half of the Mediterranean; and though Merneptah was at this time successful in repelling them the disturbances were to recur in the reign of Ramesses III.
Egypt, although geographically situated in Africa, was at the beginning of the sixteenth century essentially a part of the Near East by virtue of its recent history, its culture and its closest political connections. One of the earliest of Muslim conquests, Egypt had grown in importance as a centre of Islam when, in the thirteenth century, its rulers halted the Mongol advance which had overwhelmed the eastern Islamic territories and extinguished the caliphate in Baghdad. The same episode had confirmed the links between Egypt and Syria, and the Mamluk sultans succeeded the Ayyubids and the Fatimid caliphs as the rulers of an empire situated at the crossroads of western Asia and northern Africa. With the Maghrib, the upper valley of the Nile, and the trans Saharan Sudan, there were trading connections, while Muslims came from these regions to study at the university mosque al-Azhar or to travel as pilgrims to the holy cities of the Hejaz. But the political bond between Egypt and the adjacent parts of North Africa, which had briefly existed under the Fatimids, was never renewed, while not until the nineteenth century did a ruler of Egypt effectively govern the Nile beyond Aswan. The Ottoman conquest, which ended the Mamluk sultanate, and converted Egypt into an outlying province of an empire with its centre at Istanbul, continued the historic detachment of the country from Africa and its association with the Islamic Near East.
The Guinea coast at the start of the seventeenth century was less developed than the western Sudanic hinterland, which had larger territorial states and more differentiated societies and whose peoples displayed a greater capacity to organize production and to defend or expand their spheres of socio-political control. But also on the coast one is dealing with a historical situation which has as its antecedents millennia of slow population growth, enhancement of technology, and spread of specialization. An outstanding consequence of cumulative growth and development was the emergence of distinctive cultures over relatively large zones. Moving from west to east one could distinguish four areas: upper Guinea, with a dominating Mande presence; the Gold Coast, where the Akan were prominent; Yoruba/Aja territory; and eastern Nigeria, comprising mainly the Ibo and Ibibio. Social differentiation and the emergence of state powers were of major significance in all of these areas, and the internal contradictions were invariably affected in some degree by the presence of Europeans.
YORUBA, AJA, BINI
The culture zone which had the deepest roots by 1600 embraced all the Yoruba and included the Bini and the Aja. The family was the most important unit in daily life, and the specific patterns of family organization throughout the region had much in common. The Yoruba word ebi is equivalent to ‘family’ among most of the groups involved – from the Aja to the Itsekiri. Understandably, the ebi family principles were extended to the political superstructure. The leading states of this ‘Ebi Commonwealth’ (as it has been called) were Oyo, Benin and Dahomey.
This chapter explores the archaeological contribution towards an elucidation surrounding the origins of the Israelite tribes in Palestine. Owing to the peculiar position which Palestine holds in respect to three world religions, the reason for and the evolution of excavations in her soil have been somewhat different from those in other parts of the world. The one distinctive element of the culture of the Hebrew tribes of which one may speak with any certainty is their religion, the nature of which was such that during the period in question it remains, archaeologically speaking, an invisible attribute. The chapter presents the sites where excavation has revealed a destruction which could have been caused by the incoming Hebrew tribes; the sites include Bethe, Tell el-Jib. Of far greater archaeological importance is the bearing which the Deir 'Alia excavations have on the problems of recognizing the arrival of new population groups.
FOR very different reasons the two kings who lived at the beginning of the period to which this part of the History is devoted have received more attention in modern times than any of their predecessors or successors on the Egyptian throne: Akhenaten, on account of his religious and artistic innovations, and Tutankhamun, on account of the chance survival of his tomb at Thebes with its fabulous contents untouched since antiquity until its discovery in 1922. Neither of them was accepted as having been a legitimate ruler worthy of inclusion in the king-lists of the Nineteenth Dynasty kings Sethos I and Ramesses II, as recorded in their temples at Abydos. While they and their successors until the end of the Twenty-first Dynasty occupied the throne of Egypt, important events were happening in Western Asia, the course of which is traced in this volume. The long Kassite rule in Babylonia came to an end and the rivalry between Assyria and Babylonia began. The Hittite empire reached its peak, declined and fell, as did the Elamite kingdom in Persia. The Phrygians appeared on the scene for the first time. Along the Mediterranean shores, in Phoenicia and in Ugarit new forms of writing were developed. Palestine emerged from its long period of anonymity with the rise of the Hebrew kingdom culminating in the reign of Solomon.
The only historical sources at our disposal recording the settlement of the Israelite patriarchs in Canaan, their stay there, Israel's sojourn in Egypt, the exodus and the wanderings in the Sinai peninsula and east of the 'Arabah and the Dead Sea are the narratives in the Pentateuch. Akkadian and Hittite texts of the first half of the second millennium, thought to refer to military events recorded in Genesis xiv; documents from Nuzi mentioning legal customs which are, or appear, similar to those presupposed in the stories of the patriarchs. However, these are ambiguous in interpretation, and thus they can be adduced only as supplementing the story to be obtained from the Pentateuch narratives. The arrangement of the stories in the Pentateuch based on a genealogical order that appears chronological, or in the form of itineraries, has no claim to be in itself truly historical. Each narrative should be examined to see to which period or which area its subject belongs.
This chapter talks about Syria under the rule of the Hittites. The latent rivalry between the Egyptians and the Hittites erupted into open warfare as soon as Amurru was compelled to abrogate the treaty which bound it to the Hittite king. King Muwatallish died without leaving a legitimate son to succeed him. Hence, it was necessary to invoke the constitution of Telepinush which provided that in such a case the eldest son of a royal concubine should be made king. In this manner Urkhi-Teshub was proclaimed king. Khattushilish supported his claims; in his apology, he makes much of it and insists that his attitude toward his nephew is proof of his loyalty and generosity. The Empire period, from Shuppiluliumash to the catastrophe around 1200 BC, saw the Hittites ruling supreme over the Anatolian plateau from the western valleys to the headwaters of the Euphrates. They expanded their domain to include Cilicia and Syria from the Taurus to the Lebanon.
European sea voyages to Africa and America in the fifteenth century laid the basis for an extensive operation linking up the three continents. From an African viewpoint, there were three sets of relationships which can be isolated for analysis. First, there were direct ties between Africa and Europe; secondly, there was an African presence created in the Americas; and thirdly, there was a tri-continental interaction which was more than just the sum of the other two. This interaction involved commerce, the establishment of settler colonies and the creation of new social relations – amounting to a different international political economy, with its centre in western Europe and with its dynamics supplied by capitalist accumulative tendencies.
EUROPE'S IMAGE OF AFRICA
Portuguese navigational achievements intensified contacts between Europe and the western Sudan – contacts which had until then stretched tenuously across the Mediterranean and the Sahara, and which had been mediated by the Muslims of North Africa. Farther along the western coast and in southern Africa, Europeans made completely new acquaintances. The people of the Kongo kingdom, the Khoisan (Hottentots) and the mwene mutapa's kingdom were all featuring in European literature in the sixteenth century. When the Portuguese sailed up the East African coast, they met not only new African faces, but also their familiar antagonists, the Muslims. Catholic Europe had entertained the hope that the political power of a Christian ‘Prester John’ somewhere in Africa or Asia might be drawn into the balance against the Muslim world; but this was never to be, although relations were established with the Christian state of Ethiopia, signifying the renewal of cultural links which had been severely attenuated since the rise of Islam.