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Variety of experience is perhaps the most striking feature of the history of eastern Africa during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Along the coast this vast region stretches southwards from Mogadishu to the mouth of the Zambezi river. Inland it extends from the southern Ethiopian escarpment and the southern Sudan down along the western edge of the great lakes region, across the corridor between Lakes Tanganyika and Malawi, and then follows the Luangwa river until its confluence with the Zambezi. In the northern interior – including most of modern Kenya, Uganda, Rwanda, and Burundi – both Nilotic-speaking and Bantu-speaking peoples were still isolated from the coast, still able to resolve their problems without having to confront the economic and allied challenges that would emanate from the coast in the nineteenth century. In the central interior – encompassing most of the Tanzanian mainland – it is possible to see a gradual transition by the end of the eighteenth century from the northern pattern of historical development to that of the southern interior – comprising what is today southern Tanzania, northern Mozambique, Malawi, and the eastern-most region of Zambia – where the main challenge to the Bantu-speaking peoples was the growth and impact of international trade. On the coast, the various Swahili-speaking communities were already concerned to preserve what they could of their ancient political and economic independence from two successive sets of overlords, the Portuguese and the Omani Arabs. Yet throughout these two centuries it is also possible to discern common processes at work in these four regions of eastern Africa.
On the death of Amenophis III his eldest surviving son, Neferkheprure Amenhotpe (Amenophis IV), who later in his reign took the name of Akhenaten was accepted by foreign princes as the new pharaoh. The problem remains whether he had been recognized by the Egyptians as the coregent of his father for some time previously. During the Amarna period, the fiscal system of Egypt had developed over the centuries and, by adjusting the claims of small local shrines, the larger temples and the departments of the Palace, had produced a system that operated without intolerable exploitation. Ay apparently died without living male issue and was succeeded by the Great Commander of the Army, Horemheb, who had exercised supreme power as the King's Deputy under Tutankhamun during the latter's minority. The Egyptian records from the death of Amenophis III to the accession of Sethos I are incomplete to give any coherent picture of the foreign scene as viewed through Egyptian eyes.
Two great divides have marked the last seven millennia in Africa: the transition to food production and the modern revolution in the means of communication. The impact of these innovations was by no means felt simultaneously throughout the continent. A few people living in the most inhospitable areas have yet to participate in the first, but the vast majority of Africans were already pastoralists or agriculturalists long before the end of the first millennium AD. The impact of the second, nineteenth-century revolution was more immediate, though certain aspects of communications were already being influenced by much earlier developments. In successive millennia, trade-links within Africa had been profoundly affected by the Phoenician, Arab and Portuguese explorations of, respectively, the North African, Indian Ocean and Atlantic coasts of Africa. North of the equatorial forests, the camel and the horse had increased man's mobility, and Islam had brought literacy to a restricted few. But until the transformation which began, not with colonial rule, but with the steamers, railways, telegraph, vernacular bibles and newspapers of the nineteenth century, communications throughout most of sub-Saharan Africa had remained largely dependent on oral messages and human porterage. Until the nineteenth century, the pace of change was not dependent on an alien technology. The main lines of communication lay not with the outside world, but within the continent itself.
Compared with these watersheds, the year 1600 marked no noticeable break in continuity; yet in some important respects the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries in Africa do constitute a period of transition, distinct from both the sixteenth and the nineteenth centuries.
This chapter talks about the city of Ugarit located in Syria during the fourteenth and thirteenth centuries BC. The kingdom of Ugarit possessed many natural advantages which her rulers turned to good effect. Augmented, it included a long stretch of fertile coastal plain, hills clad with olive groves and vine terraces, and thickly wooded mountains; behind, the steppe afforded both grazing and hunting. The history of the royal house of Ugarit begins in the early fourteenth century with Ammishtamru I. One of the letters from Ugarit found among the Amarna correspondence bears the name of Ammishtamru. The Canaanite temple of the Late Bronze Age was a simple building in comparison with its grandiose contemporaries in Egypt and Mesopotamia. One of the Canaanite texts entitled by the scribal copyist 'Of Keret', purports to relate the deeds of a hero or demigod. The language of this earliest Canaanite literature is full of metaphor and poetic imagery.
This chapter talks about the Assyrian military power during the period by focusing on the campaigns of Adad-nīrāri I, the conquest of Khanigalbat, and the conquest of Babylonia. The reign of Adad-nīrāri I inaugurated a period of rapid expansion. His leadership and that of his immediate successors, Shalmaneser I and Tukulti-Ninurta I, saw Assyria extend its territories and eventually emerged as one of the most powerful states of the Near East. In Khanigalbat, Shalmaneser I was opposed not only by its ruler, Shattuara II, but by a Hittite army which, since it included a contingent of the Akhlamu tribe of the Syrian desert. For much of his first decade his energies were directed to establishing a firmer control over the lands to the east and north than had been achieved by his predecessors. Tukulti-Ninurta I demolished its fortifications, put the inhabitants to the sword, looted Babylon and the temple E-sagila and carried off the statue of Marduk to Assyria.
The spiritual transformation of a people and their participation in the life of a new spiritual universe brought into being by a fresh revelation from heaven is too profound a reality to be reduced simply to sociopolitical or economic factors. To study the history of Sūfism in Persia during the first few centuries of Islamic history, one must turn to the study of the origin of Sūfism from the first decades of Islamic history. Sūfism, in its inner reality, and not necessarily in all the formulations it has adopted throughout its history to expound its perennial truths, is rooted in the Quran and the Sunna and Hadith of the Prophet of Islam. The first manifestations of Sūfism, are to be found, after the Prophet, Ali and a few other of the closest Companions, in several of the figures who came to be known throughout the early community for their asceticism and piety.
In the western conception of Persian literature the words rubā'īyāt and 'Umar Khayyām have become practically synonymous, and it is only recently that scholarship in this field has brought a growing realization that this picture is incomplete. This chapter shows what extent Khayyām contributed to the development of this particular Persian literary form. The rubā'ī is one of the most foot-loose of Persian verse-forms, a fact largely explained by its brevity and its uniformity of metre and form. The shape of the rubā'ī has remained unchanged throughout its long career in Persian literature. In any case the stanzaic poem is comparatively rare in Persian literature. Khayyām's name first appears as the author of rubā'īyāt in 7th/13th century sources, by which time people are already a century after his own time, more than sufficient for corruptions and interpolations to have taken place.
The religious evolution of Iran during the centuries from the Arab conquest to the rise of the Saljuqs was determined by a number of factors which, so far, have not been adequately isolated and analysed. This chapter identifies the politico-economical dimension of rebellions and heresies, and at the same time single out a few recurring and typical traits deserving the attention of the student of Iranian religious phenomena. It considers political and social developments of Iran by analysing their factual background before proceeding to a religious interpretation. The leader's wealth stressed by sources and the claim to Abū Muslim's treasure do not allow one to bracket this revolt together with other purely "protest" movements. The very term of Khurramdīn can in fact incorporate a number of meanings ranging from ambiguous though plausible identification with a reformed branch of new Mazdakism adjusted to Islamic pattern, to a vague sort of common denominator for a number of small sects mentioned by heresiographers.
There is a strange persistence in many Western studies of the religious history of Islamic Iran to be concerned almost solely with small sects and extremist religious movements. A notable feature of the Islamization of Iran that is reflected in the work of the Persian scholars, who were concerned with the religious sciences is strong opposition to the Zanādiqa and similar heterodox groups. The sciences dealing with the Quran are divided traditionally into those dealing with the recitation of the Book and those dealing with commentary upon it and the meaning of its content. The Quran itself provides in many places intellectual evidence and demonstration for its arguments and is the example for all later developments of Islamic religious sciences in which rational arguments are provided for articles and principles of faith. The efforts of Persian scholars in helping to lay the foundation of many of the Islamic sciences during the early period continued into the Saljuq and Timurid periods.
This chapter describes scientific activity in Iran during the four centuries beginning about 30/650. Early ‘Abbāsid scientists tended to be astronomer-astrologers whose techniques and theories were inherited from Indian and Sāsānian forebears and whose role as innovators was small. Their sole major contribution was in the form of numerous and meticulous astronomical observations. Present knowledge of the scribal arithmetic is due largely to study of a textbook for the use of government employees written by Abu'l-Wafā' al-Buzjānī, a thinker of great originality and power. Computational mathematics did not reach the degree of sophistication it achieved later, in Mongol and Timurid times, but numerical tables of functions were considerably more extensive and precise than those produced by the Greeks and the Indians. Among the more complicated arithmetic processes, the operation of root extraction received considerable attention in ‘Abbāsid times.
The first author for consideration is a mōbad named Āturfarnbag i Farruxzātān, of whom it is known that he lived under the 'Abbāsid Caliph Ma'mūn and that he was chief of the Mazdaeans of Fars. Āturfarnbag is mentioned also in the Dātistān-i dēnīk, as an authority on the tariffs of the cult, and in the "Epistles" of Manušcīhr. With the publication of the Rivāyat of Emēt a few years before that of the Rivāyat of Āturfarnbag one of the surprises in store must have been the small group of questions devoted to the forms of marriage between close relations, the existence of which, even in remote antiquity, was vehemently contested in the last century. Defence of Mazdaism is manifestly based on the Dēnkart. The Zoroastrian scholars living under Islamic rule did not confine themselves to writing in Pahlavī, for the internal use of their own community.
New Persian literature, like that of many other countries, begins with poetry. Phonetically and grammatically, the degree of evolution from Old Persian to Middle Persian is considerable, the differences being comparable with the differences between Latin and French, for example. The emergence of the New Persian language and literature presents considerable historical problems. In an account passed down by the Fihrist, Ibn al-Muqaffac describes the linguistic situation in Iran at the end of the Sāsānian period. The Iranians, he says in effect, have five languages, including pahlavī, darī, pārsī, suryānī, and khūzī. The emergence of Persian literature involved the elevation of a widely distributed oral language, darī, to the rank of a language of general culture. Persian poetry is indebted both to Arabic literature and to the Iranian tradition. Since Persian poetry originated in courts for the glorification of Iranian princes, lyrical poetry was the first genre to appear.
Arabic literature in Iran can be traced from the 1st/7th century onwards, it is nevertheless true that for the first two centuries or so the sources available are scanty and widely dispersed in later works. Yet during the Umayyad epoch Arabic literature in Iran was not much different from what obtained elsewhere in the Muslim world. Nevertheless, the hold of the Arabs over their empire and the identification of Islam with Arabism persisted down to the end of the Umayyads. Other genres of Arabic literature appear in the early 'Abbāsid period. Iran saw two important dynasties arise on its soil in the 4th/10th century: the Būyids, who ruled in the south and also in Iraq, and the Sāmānids, who ruled in the east from their court at Bukhārā. Like the Būyids in the south and west of Iran, the Sāmānids were also great patrons of the arts and sciences.
Among the provinces of the Sāsānian empire, the coastal regions along the southern shore of the Caspian Sea resisted the penetration of the Arabs and Islam most tenaciously. The early history of the Sāsānian dynasty is, however, shrouded in obscurity. The first mention of an Ispahbad ruling Tabaristān in a reliable report concerns the year 79/698. Tabaristān was ruled by Muslim governors residing in Āmul. Their first task was to secure the Muslim domination over the newly subdued territories. Though the nobility was generally left unharmed, some prominent Zoroastrian leaders were killed during the first years of the occupation. The history of the Bāvandid, Ispahbads of Shahriyārkūh in the 4th/ioth century can only fragmentarily be pieced together from occasional references in literary sources and some numismatic evidence. Rūyān in the 4th/10th century came under the rule of a dynasty bearing the title Ustandār. The population of Azarbaijan at the time of the conquest was predominantly Iranian, speaking numerous dialects.
The history of the Sāsānian period is often presented with Islamic bias, for the purpose of leading to conclusions which authors of the Islamic period wished to demonstrate, reflecting the conflicts and problems of their times. In Central Asia and in Afghanistan of today there persisted elements, probably rather heterogeneous, of the confederation known as the Hephthalites, which had an Indo-European core but had been infiltrated by various Turkish elements. Certain Iranian authors of the Islamic era have produced a summary classification of social divisions, based on a particular aspect of actual social conditions quite independent of the Muslim theoretical system. The seat of local government was generally in the citadel, but the central monument of the city, in proportion to its degree of conversion to Islam, was the Great Mosque. In pre-Islamic times Iranian society had been possessed of reserves of slaves and had retained them under Islam.