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Throughout the subcontinent south of the Zambezi, population densities, political power and many social developments were largely determined by agricultural production. Other economic activities could add comfort, magnificence and even relative luxury to life in some places. The foundations, however, rested firmly on agriculture, and rainfall, more than any human factor, influenced this basic activity. On the fringes of the Kalahari and in other arid areas, hunting or a meagre herding remained the key to bare survival. Elsewhere, over much of the cultivable area, population growth was severely limited by uncertain rainfall, and man's conquest of the harsh environment was still precarious. Yet in the more favoured areas, on the eastern plateaux and the plains flanking the Indian Ocean, a mixed agricultural economy maintained relatively dense and active populations. Here economic specialization and political centralization had developed many varied and resilient cultures. Here were the real centres of power in southern Africa, and before the end of the eighteenth century new crops, principally maize, had begun to increase – perhaps dramatically – the agricultural potential of some of these more favoured areas.
For more than a millennium, the mining and working of gold, copper and iron had provided a subsidiary source of wealth. In a few areas other industrial skills – fine pottery and cloth-weaving – were well established. These indigenous goods, together with salt and agricultural products, formed the basis of the internal trading networks. The export of gold from north of the Limpopo had also long attracted a flow of exotic imports, while in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries the products of the hunt – ivory, skins and furs – became an increasingly important export from south of the Limpopo.
Both Mesopotamia and Anatolia are lacking in indispensable raw materials which they must acquire by trade. For them, Syria meant access to international trade. Syria possesses ports where merchandise from far-away countries is received and exchanged for whatever Asia has to offer. Hence, all political development in the Near East tends toward the domination of Syria by its neighbours. The interplay of the Egyptians, the Mitannians with their Hurrian partisans, and the Hittites, determined the fate of Syria in the fourteenth century. This chapter first deals with the war between Tushratta of the Mitannians, and the Shuppiluliumash of the Hittites. Then, it discusses the first and second Syrian wars of Shuppiluliumash. The first war was with Tushratta in which the Mittanni king was defeated. In the second war, he removed the Hurrian city-rulers who had been the mainstay of Mitannian domination and replaced them with men of his own choice. The chapter also discusses the Hurrian War of Shuppiluliumash.
In spite of its proximity to our own times, the period of Egyptian history from the conquest by Sultan Selim to the occupation by Bonaparte is, comparatively speaking, a dark age. Historians have tended to concentrate either upon the Mamluk sultanate which preceded it, or the period of modernization which followed. The documentation, although abundant, has only very partially been exploited. This is particularly true of the vast corpus of archives preserved in the Basbakanlik Arsivi and Topkapi Sarayi Arsivi in Istanbul, and the important collections in the Egyptian state archives in Cairo. A valuable summary account with detailed bibliographical references is provided by Stanford J. Shaw, 'Turkish source-materials for Egyptian history', in P. M. Holt, ed. (1968), 28-48. Shaw's pioneer research into the archives has resulted in his detailed study, The financial and administrative organisation and development of Ottoman Egypt, 1517-179S (1962), some of his findings in which are summarized in his article, 'Landholding and land-tax revenues in Ottoman Egypt', in Holt, ed. (1968), 91-103.
Historic Greek may be defined as the language as it is known from texts and monuments from the eighth century BC onwards. All Greek dialects exhibit certain features in common, and these are numerous and particular enough for us to be able to presume a common origin for them. This chapter presents a list, which though incomplete, can give some indication of the features which distinguished Greek from the other languages of the Indo-European family in the second millennium BC. These are divided on the basis of phonology, morphology and syntax, and vocabulary. It has been customary to regard the three main dialect groups, Doric, Ionic and Achaean, as corresponding to three separate waves of invaders, who brought to Greece their distinct dialects of the Greek language. All Greek dialects share a number of words borrowed from unknown languages, and some of these show differing forms in the dialects which prove that the borrowing took place in prehistoric times.
With the reign of Shutruk-Nahhunte begins one of the most glorious periods in Elamite history. During a space of almost seventy years five kings succeed to the throne: Shutruk-Nahhunte, Kutir-Nahhunte, Shilkhak-In-Shushinak, Khutelutush-In-Shushinak and Silkhinakhamru-Lakamar. Their personal qualities were to make Elam one of the greatest military powers in the Middle East for a period lasting over fifty years. Susa owes much of its splendour to Shilkhak-In-Shushinak. There are many texts which commemorate the foundation or restoration of temples at Susa. A curious bronze tray known as the sīt šamši, 'sunrise' shows us certain ablution rites, for it is probably a model of the acropolis of Susa, with two of its temples, their appurtenances, their ornaments and sacred grove, at the time of Shilkhak-In-Shushinak. This allows us to complete, to a certain extent, the information we have from the excavations concerning the topography of Susa. The chapter also presents a note on the political geography of Western Persia.
The abduction of Kashtiliash by Tukulti-Ninurta I paved the way for direct Assyrian control of Babylonian affairs. The Kassites strengthened and continued the ancient Babylonian customs and culture. Long after they had lost political control, they remained a strong foreign element in Babylonia and provided the chief element in the Babylonian armed forces till the ninth century. Marduk-kabitahhēshu of Isin who, according to Babylonian tradition followed Enlil-nadin-akhi without any Elamite interregnum, founded a new dynasty in which eleven members of the line were to rule Babylonia for 132 years and 6 months. Nebuchadrezzar was less successful in his relations with Assyria, but it is the Assyrian account of events between them which alone survives. As the Babylonians had neutralized the Elamites and taken a part in controlling the raiders both from the Lullubi tribes and from the nomadic tribes of the western desert, Tiglath-pileser I was free to face the growing storm clouds in the north in his accession year.
The Phrygians crossed the straits into Anatolia from Macedonia and Thrace. In Greek times, the Phrygians' most north-westerly settlement, was Keramon Agora, where a branch of the Royal Road left Lydia to strike northwards. Phrygian architecture was well developed. Vitruvius describes their houses as built of wooden logs laid in a trench excavated in a mound and then covered with reeds, brushwood and earth. Phrygians had reached considerable mastery in several crafts, whether as bronze-workers accomplished in both casting and raising, or as expert cabinetmakers and weavers, as workers in ivory, as makers of woollen felt or as weavers of linen, hemp, mohair, and perhaps also tapestry. Survivals of the Phrygian language linger into Roman times, occurring in bilingual form with Greek translations on tombstone inscriptions. The Phrygians' religion clearly consisted of at least two strata: primitive Anatolian and Indo-European. In the Early Iron Age, the mineral deposits of Anatolia had already been famous for one thousand years.
For nearly two centuries, after 1400 BC, the Mycenaean civilization was free to develop and enjoy a remarkable prosperity, founded in part on the heritage of Minoan culture which it had already absorbed. A generation after Thebes had withstood a long siege, the attack of the Epigoni was successful, and Thebes was destroyed. The sack of Thebes may then be regarded as one of the certain events of Mycenaean history; and the elimination of this rival has an obvious bearing on the development of the Mycenaean power in the Peloponnese. The acquisition by descendants of Pelopids of the kingdom of Mycenae itself, and so of the supremacy of Greece, is represented as subsequent to and to some extent consequent upon the death of Heracles and of his rival Eurystheus. The Queen's megaron at Pylus has a secluded sitting, but this should not be taken to imply an oriental segregation of women in Mycenaean society.
Since the inscriptions of Ramesses III repeatedly speak of using captives as troops in his own army and since some of the Sea Peoples (especially the Sherden) had been used as mercenaries or as slave troops during the reign of Ramesses II, many scholars now agree that the Philistines were first settled in Palestine as garrison troops. Between the late thirteenth and the end of the twelfth century BC, the territory occupied by the Canaanites was vastly reduced due to occupation by Israelites, the sea peoples, and the Aramaeans. However, there were compensations for these losses. The coast of Phoenicia proper was ideally prepared by nature to become the home of a maritime people. The Hittites had established several vassal states in northern Syria during the initial period of their occupation in the fourteenth century BC. At least two of them, Carchemish and Aleppo, were ruled by princes of the imperial Hittite dynasty.
In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries the northern fringes of Central Africa presented a totally different picture from that of West Africa. Here there were no great population clusters, no expansive cavalry empires, no walled cities and no markets thronged with caravans from the coast or the Maghrib. There were no kingdoms like Benin and Dahomey and no mines as in Bambuk and Asante. The area had no wealth or minerals sufficient to attract traders across the Sahara. Only in the nineteenth century was its border pierced by Khartoum ivory hunters and Fulani slave raiders. Until that time the occupants of the northern savanna were almost exclusively concerned with subsistence agriculture. Even peoples like the Azande, who expanded the scope of their territory, did not expand the scope of their social institutions. Instead each advance swarm of Zande colonial pioneers cut itself off from its parent society and began a new, independent, political existence. Not until the nineteenth century did the Bandia clan create the Bangassou ‘sultanate’ in order to resist the encroachments of slavers.
In the west, North-Central Africa had a small opening on to the maritime world of lower Guinea. This was through the Cameroun port of Duala. The small coastal kingdom of the Duala appears to have been founded by Bantu-speaking peoples from the surrounding forest in the early seventeenth century. They moved to the coast when the first Dutch sailors penetrated the Bight of Biafra seeking trade in exotic African curiosities. The Duala sold them local cloth, beads, and probably ivory, and furnished their ships with grain and goat's meat.
This chapter first deals with the conquest of the land and the creation of a kingdom of Israel, thereby indicating the course of modern criticism, pointing out the contradictions in the narratives, and rendering the conception of history presented by the tradition incredible. It then presents an account of the land settlement and of the three centuries after Israel's settlement in Canaan, recording the deeds of the judges and the personalities and works of the first three kings. The tribes that were, theoretically, rather closely united before Israel became a state numbered in reality sometimes more, sometimes less, than twelve, but always about that number. The Old Testament contains other such groups of twelve, for example the sons of Nahor, of Ishmael, and the tribes of Edom. The chapter ends by presenting a note on Solomon's military organization and his rule's administrative districts.
The pages of Western Asian history during 1370-1300 BC have had little to tell about Assyria or Babylonia since the reigns of Shamshi-Adad I and of his son Ishme-Dagan in the former, and since the end of Hammurabi's last successor in the latter. The moment of destiny for Assyria in its relation with the Human kingdoms which had long oppressed her was undoubtedly the murder of Tushratta, king of Mitanni, by one of his sons. In the south, Ashur-uballit's relations with Babylonia were intimate and dramatic, and are fairly well known. An Assyrian poem, written in a spirit of undisguised chauvinism, presents an epical description of a war between Assyria and Babylonia. Assyria under Enlil-nīrāri was successful in the war; he was succeeded by his son Arik-dēn-ili, whose reign lasted for twelve years. The efforts of Arik-dēn-ili appear more as the usual offensive-defensive operations against the highlands than as moves in a conflict with Kassite Babylonia.
When Ramesses III died, not quite two months after he had begun the thirty-second year of his reign, no one could have imagined that the last great pharaoh had gone. In about the middle of the Twentieth Dynasty references are repeatedly made in Egyptian texts to incursions by Libyans. A considerable part of the information now available about the Twentieth Dynasty is derived from documents which were written for the group of workmen who constructed the tombs of the kings of the New Kingdom in the Valley of the Kings and the tombs of their queens in the Valley of the Queens at Thebes. While the kings of the Twenty-first Dynasty ruled from Tanis generations of high priests of Amun, descendants of Hrihor, were in power at Thebes. In so far as each high priest succeeded either his father or his brother in the office, the seven high priests form a dynasty.
This chapter deals with the history of Anatolia from the period of Shuppiluliumash till the Egyptian war of Muwatallish. Shuppiluliumash had already, as crown prince, succeeded in stabilizing the situation during the later part of the reign of Tudkhaliash, his father. He had led the Hittite armies skilfully and successfully and had restored the frontier, particularly in the north and in the east. When Murshilish, son of Shuppiluliumash, ascended the throne, his efforts in the first ten years were concentrated upon the reassertion of Hittite power, mainly in Asia Minor. Under him, the empire spread from the Lebanon and the Euphrates in the south to the mountains of Pontus in the north and to the western reaches of Asia Minor. As field-marshal of the Hittite armies Khattushilish, the younger brother of Murshilish, claims to have conducted numerous campaigns for his brother, both offensively and defensively.