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The original home of the Sāmānids is uncertain, for some Arabic and Persian books claim that the name was derived from a village near Samarqand. The Sāmānid state had received recognition in the year 261/875 when the caliph al-Mu'tamid sent the investiture for all of Transoxiana to Nasr b. Ahmad, in opposition to the claims of Ya‘qūb b. al-Laith, the Saffārid. Ismā‘īl was the real founder of the Sāmānid state, and is highly regarded in all sources for his good qualities as a ruler, indeed almost an idealized ruler. He enlarged the Sāmānid domain in all directions. In 280/893 he raided to the north and captured the city of Tarāz where a Nestorian church was reputedly turned into a mosque and much booty was taken. The organization of the Sāmānid state was modelled after the caliph's court in Baghdad with its central and provincial divisions.
Islamic science came into being in the 2nd/8th century as a result of the vast effort of translation which made the scientific and philosophical traditions of antiquity available in Arabic. This interest in science during the late Sāsānian period is reported in Arabic sources to have been associated more with the Syriac language than with Pahlavī. The transition from the Sāsānian to the Islamic era in the sciences is marked by the period of translation from Graeco-Syriac, Pahlavī and Sanskrit sources into Arabic. From the Islamic point of view the whole universe is alive and the life sciences really deal with all things. Among the Muslim philosophers who developed the theory of the faculties of the vegetable and animal souls, many of the most important were Persian. Most of the study of plants was connected with their properties and application to different fields, especially medicine.
Ghiyāth al-Dīn Abu'1-Fath 'Umar b. Ibrāhīm al-Khayyāmī in Persian texts is usually called simply 'Umar-i Khayyām, that is, 'Umar the tentmaker, and it is reasonable to assume that his father or grandfather followed that trade. In fact, his surviving scientific works, if one excludes the spurious Naurūnāma treatise on the Persian New Year's Day, occupy only 130 pages in Rozenfel'd's translation. For an assessment of these works the reader is referred to his and Yushkevich's introductory essays and commentary and to Professor E. S. Kennedy's chapter in Volume 5 of the Cambridge History of Iran. It is the rubā'īyāt or quatrains which, mirrored in FitzGerald's masterpiece, have won for 'Umar the poet a fame far greater than was vouchsafed to 'Umar the scientist. Not until the middle of the 9th/15th century, three hundred years after his death, do the first attempts appear to have been made to collect together the whole corpus of his poems.
In order to appreciate the importance of Nāṣir-i Khusrau in the history of Iranian thought, it is necessary to place him in the setting of Ismā'īlism as a whole, for he was one of its most outstanding personalities. This chapater discusses the survival of Ismā'īlism under the mantle of Sūfism which comes nearer perhaps to revealing its true grandeur and the inspiration of its distant origins, rather than in the brilliant setting of the Fāṭimid court. On the basis of such data an attempt may be made to evaluate Iranian Ismā'īlism in the Persian language and literature. More than once Nāṣir evokes his exile and his nostalgia in terms of touching sadness. However, he gives scarcely any solid facts about his life and his activities. From the outset, when the connection between the alchemy of Jābir and the Ismā'īlī gnosis is considered, the fact that the concepts of Jābir seem to be unknown to Rhazes is indicative.
The Iranian highlands by the Caspian Sea were controlled by the Zaidite rulers of Tabaristān and by various local potentates. The form of government established by the Būyids may be described with reservations as a military dictatorship. The Būyids were Dailamites and were largely dependent on soldiers drawn from their own people. The Dailamites had a long tradition of military prowess dating back to pre-Christian times and including campaigns against Georgia as allies of the Sāsānians. Women had always held an important place in Dailamite society and they were to wield great political influence and were even to achieve personal rule. In the mountain fastnesses of their homeland the Dailamites had already succeeded in repelling more than a dozen Muslim attacks before the beginning of the 3rd/9th century, when they began to receive Islamic influences. Baha' al-Daula, after protracted efforts, had finally succeeded in restoring some semblance of unity to the Būyid empire.
This chapter discusses the philosophy and cosmology in Persia from the rise of Islam to the Saljuq period, which is almost synonymous with studying the first phase in the development of Islamic philosophy and cosmology itself. The Persian translators and the whole class of secretaries who cultivated philosophy were important in creating the new style of philosophical prose in Arabic. The early history of Islamic philosophy and theology during the 3rd/9th century is connected with the cities of Baghdad, Basra and Kufa, in all three of which the Arab and Persian elements were mixed, such that it is often difficult to separate them. The written record of Islamic philosophy begins with the "philosopher of the Arabs" Abū Ya‘qūb al-Kindī, who wrote extensive treatises in Arabic on philosophy and the sciences during the 3rd/9th century, relying most of all on the translations of Syriac scholars as well as of course on Islamic sources.
This chapter gives an account of all the principal political events in Iran under the ‘Abbāsids and then discusses the long-term significance of these events for the history of that country; but it should never be forgotten that the ‘Abbāsids intended to create and for a time nearly succeeded in creating a universal Islamic empire. When Zaidī 'Alid pretenders rebelled in the Yemen and in Māzandarān they posed essentially similar political threats to the ‘Abbāsids. The actions of the central government, and the reactions of the Iranian Muslims under ‘Abbāsid rule, were always more subject to Islamic considerations than to any specific feeling about Iranians as a group. The success of the ‘Abbāsid revolution has often been viewed as a success by Iranians over Arabs; but a very great number of the soldiers and propagandists who won and maintained ‘Abbāsid rule were Arabs, and there is sign that the Iranian supporters of the dynasty in the early period were anti-Arab.
THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE EARLY PALACE PERIOD (c. 2000–1700 b.c.)
The first palaces in Crete were built soon after the turn of the millennium. Could there be a more obvious mark than this for the beginning of an epoch? With them Minoan civilization rose from its prehistoric beginnings and attained the rank of an advanced civilization. But did it really even now enter the realm of history? Names, personalities and direct written sources are lacking. On the other hand the historical setting of this civilization cannot be disputed. It finds expression in its involvement in contemporary and subsequent events of Mediterranean history. Monuments consequently play a greater part than actions and people in providing a picture of this period, and the archaeological interpretation of these monuments is of cardinal importance. The Greeks later associated this period with the figure of Minos in their mythology. Any attempt to separate the historical and the mythical features of Minos is hopeless, but his name has rightly been given to this civilization which we can discern in the strange light of early history.
The palaces stood for about 600 years. After their destruction in about 1400 b.c. they were not rebuilt. The Palace Period can be split into an earlier and a later stage in terms of stratification and architectural developments. The present chapter is concerned only with the earlier stage of the Palace Period.
History begins in Anatolia with the records of the Assyrian trading colonies, described in the first volume (ch. XXIV) of this work. The period covered by these documents, hardly more than two centuries in all, closes with the disappearance of the colonies not long after 1780 b.c. The art of writing appears to have been temporarily lost, for it was an entirely different form of cuneiform script that was introduced by the Hittites about a century later. Of the many thousands of baked clay tablets unearthed by the German excavators on the site of the Hittite capital at Boǧazköy since work started in 1906, and constituting the Hittite royal archives, only a handful can be dated by their script as early as the seventeenth century b.c. However, many historical texts of this date have come to light in the form of later copies, inscribed like the greater part of the archives during the fourteenth and thirteenth centuries b.c., and such copies can be used confidently as a first-class source for much of the earlier period. Statements contained in them about events already past at the time of the original inscription are of course of less certain value, but in default of other relevant evidence they cannot be ignored.
Out of the struggles to regain her independence and her ascendancy over the warlike nations of Western Asia, Egypt during the Eighteenth Dynasty emerged, for the first time in her history, as a predominantly military state under the rule of a king dedicated from early youth to the leadership of his army and navy and to the expansion and consolidation of his empire by force of arms.
Elevated while scarcely more than a boy to the rank of commander-in-chief of the armed forces, the heir apparent to the Egyptian throne under Tuthmosis I and his successors devoted a considerable portion of his early years to training himself in the arts of war. Proficiency as an archer, a charioteer, and a ship-handler, achieved under the supervision of his father's veterans, ranked high among the qualifications demanded of the future king and were the accomplishments in which throughout his life he took his greatest pride. Experience in actual combat followed shortly after the young ruler's accession to the throne, an occasion almost invariably seized upon by the princes of Nubia and Asia to revolt against their Egyptian overlord. Following the conquests of Tuthmosis III one or two campaigns usually sufficed to restore order throughout the empire and eliminated the need for further show of force on the part of the pharaoh. Nevertheless, the military point of view remained with the king throughout his reign and profoundly affected the nature of his government and the internal conditions of the land which he governed.
The literary tradition of the New Kingdom, represented by the Story of Apophis and Seqenenre, suggests that the clash between the Hyksos and the native Egyptian kings of the Seventeenth Dynasty occurred in the reign of Seqenenre (II ?), as the result of deliberate provocation on the part of the Hyksos ruler. The first sentences of the story tell the condition of Egypt at the time: Seqenenre rules in the Southern City (Thebes), while Apophis rules in Avaris; the whole of Egypt pays tribute to the Hyksos. Egypt is described as a divided land, and there is no suggestion that the whole of Egypt is occupied by the Asiatics. The evidence in support of a total occupation is slender and inconclusive; even the famous description of Hyksos devastation in the inscription of Hatshepsut in the Speos Artemidos specifies only that ‘the Asiatics were in Avaris in the Northland, roving foreigners being in the midst of them’.
It is generally assumed that the lost portion of this story described a struggle between the Hyksos and the Egyptians, the outcome of which may have been a limited victory for the Egyptians. It is also assumed that Seqenenre was killed in the course of this struggle, the evidence in support of this assumption being the shattered skull of the king's mummy. The fragmentary beginning of a New Kingdom romance is, however, an uncertain foundation on which to build an historical edifice.