Genuinely broad in scope, each handbook in this series provides a complete state-of-the-field overview of a major sub-discipline within language study, law, education and psychological science research.
Genuinely broad in scope, each handbook in this series provides a complete state-of-the-field overview of a major sub-discipline within language study, law, education and psychological science research.
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The multimedia principle states that people learn better from words and pictures than from words alone. It is supported by empirically derived theory suggesting that words and images evoke different conceptual processes and that perception and learning are active, constructive processes. It is further supported by research studies that have found superior retention and transfer of learning from words augmented by pictures compared to words presented alone and superior transfer when narration is accompanied by animation compared to narration or animation presented alone. Research has also found that the effectiveness of combining imagery with text varies with the content to be learned, the conditions under which performance is measured, and individual differences in spatial ability, prior knowledge, and general learning ability. Cognitive theory derived from these findings posits interactions between three stages of memory – sensory, working, and long term – that are connected by cooperative, additive channels used to process information arriving from different sensory modalities.
The Multimedia Principle
It is commonly assumed that adding pictures to words, rather than presenting text alone, makes it easier for people to understand and learn. The proverb that a picture is worth a thousand words attests to the popularity and acceptance of this assumption. The assumption leads to what may be called the multimedia principle. This principle, as stated by Mayer (2001), is that people learn better from words and pictures than from words alone, or, more specifically, that people learn more or more deeply when appropriate pictures are added to text (Mayer, in press).
Based on sociocultural and social cognitive theory, computer support for collaborative learning (CSCL) has emerged as a new research and development subdiscipline of computer-mediated communication. The emphasis of CSCL is on supporting collaborative learning activities in online multimedia environments. In this chapter, we review research on the nature of the technology used, how the learning groups are comprised (e.g., group size, learner characteristics), the learning outcome engaged by the task, the role of the tutor, the effects of community-building activities, the nature of the learning or communication assessment, and the effects of scaffolds or discussion constraints on learning. Based on this research, we make a variety of recommendations for the design and implementation of learning environments.
Introduction to the Collaboration Principle
In the past decade, the study of learning has been influenced increasingly by constructivism and social theories. Not only have the epistemological and ontological assumptions about the nature of learning changed as a result of constructivist influences, but the nature of instructional and learning activities has changed dramatically. At the risk of oversimplification, the most obvious effect of this influence has been a shift from emphasis on instructional communication systems to an emphasis on practice-based, collaborative learning systems. The goal of instructional systems, informed by objectivist assumptions, was to effectively design messages to support the efficient transmission of knowledge about the world.
We show that age-related cognitive changes necessitate considerations for the design of multimedia learning environments. These considerations mainly relate to the cognitive aging principle, which states that limited working memory may be effectively expanded by using more than one sensory modality, and some instructional materials with dual-mode presentation may be more efficient than equivalent single-modality formats, especially for older adults. The principle is based on the modality effect and multimedia effect that have been researched extensively in the context of Sweller's (1999) cognitive load theory (CLT) and Mayer's (2001) cognitive theory of multimedia learning (CTML). The research on cognitive aging in relation to multimedia processing is reviewed to explore current understanding of age-related design principles for multimedia learning environments. The potential implications of age-related cognitive changes for the design of multimedia learning environments are highlighted and complemented with important future directions in multimedia learning. The role of CLT and CTML as versatile frameworks for the design of multimedia learning environments for the elderly is discussed.
The Cognitive Aging Principle in the Design of Multimedia Learning
Demographic and technological developments will lead to a growing proportion of independent, active, and eager-to-learn elderly adults who in their everyday lives are more and more confronted with multimedia applications, such as learning environments. Generally, these learning environments consist of many relevant and irrelevant information elements, which are presented together at a fast pace and through different sensory modalities.
Principle:A basic generalization that is accepted as true and that can be used as a basis for reasoning or conduct.
OneLook.com Dictionary
Abstract
This chapter describes five commonly held principles about multimedia learning that are not supported by research and suggests alternative generalizations that are more firmly based on existing studies. The questionable beliefs include the expectations that multimedia instruction: (1) yields more learning than live instruction or older media; (2) is more motivating than other instructional delivery options; (3) provides animated pedagogical agents that aid learning; (4) accommodates different learning styles and so maximizes learning for more students; and (5) facilitates student-managed constructivist and discovery approaches that are beneficial to learning.
Introduction
Multimedia instruction is one of the current examples of a new area of instructional research and practice that has generated a considerable amount of excitement. Like other new areas, its early advocates begin with a set of assumptions about the learning and access problems it will solve and the opportunities it affords (see, e.g., a report by the American Society for Training and Development, 2001). The goal of this chapter is to examine the early expectations about multimedia benefits that seem so intuitively correct that advocates may not have carefully examined research evidence for them. If these implicit assumptions are incorrect we may unintentionally be using them as the basis for designing multimedia instruction that does not support learning or enhance motivation.
Hypermedia proponents suggest that its ability to make information available in a multitude of formats, provide individual control, engage the learner, and cater to various learning styles and needs makes it the harbinger of a new learning revolution. However, despite nearly two decades of research on hypermedia in education, researchers have not yet solved some of the basic issues raised by this technology. In this chapter, we review empirical studies performed since Dillon and Gabbard's (1998) landmark review in an attempt to analyze and draw conclusions from this diverse and extensive literature.
Introduction
Since Vannevar Bush's ground-breaking article As We May Think (Bush, 1945), the idea of using technology to link the world's information resources in new ways has been heralded by some as a revolutionary opportunity to design new instructional media. The term hypermedia is commonly used to refer to this type of information resources and is based on the term hypertext, coined by Ted Nelson around 1965 to refer to “nonsequential” or “nonlinear” text where authors and readers were free to explore and to link information in ways that made personal sense for them (Nelson, 1965). In general usage, the terms are often used interchangeably but to be strictly accurate, hypermedia consists of more than linked texts; it includes other forms of media as well, such as images, video, and sound.
This chapter reviews research on individual differences in spatial cognition from a somewhat historical perspective. It commences with a review of the factor analysis literature, which dominated early research in spatial abilities. Then, the chapter considers research on the analysis of spatial abilities from the perspective of cognitive psychology. Individual differences in large-scale or environmental spatial abilities such as wayfinding and navigation are examined. Finally, it considers some of the functions of spatial ability in occupational and academic performance. The research reviewed in this chapter provides strong evidence that spatial ability is differentiated from general intelligence. It shows that spatial ability is not a single, undifferentiated construct, but composed of several separate abilities, such as spatial visualization, flexibility of closure, spatial memory, and perceptual speed. Recent research has also begun to analyze complex tasks involved in these professions in terms of their demand on spatial skills.
This chapter discusses sex differences that are found in a variety of tests of visuospatial abilities ranging from standardized paper-and-pencil or computerized tasks to tests of way-finding ability and geographical knowledge. Visuospatial information processing involves interplay of multiple cognitive processes, including visual and spatial sensation and perception, a limited capacity visuospatial working memory, and longer-term memories where visual and spatial information may be encoded in many ways. Certain visuospatial and mathematical abilities are related, and visuospatial sex differences have been suggested to contribute to observed sex differences in mathematics performance. Many cultures show similar patterns of visuospatial sex differences, a finding that seems to support theories based on the principles of evolutionary psychology. The chapter explores how factors rooted in biology, specifically the what-where visual systems, hemispheric lateralization, and exposure to sex steroid hormones, may relate to visuospatial skill and to sex differences in those abilities.
Navigation is coordinated and goal-directed movement through the environment by organisms or intelligent machines. It involves both planning and execution of movements. It may be understood to include the two components of locomotion and wayfinding. Locomotion is body movement coordinated to the local surrounds; wayfinding is planning and decision making coordinated to the distal as well as local surrounds. Several sensory modalities provide information for navigating, and a variety of cognitive systems are involved in processing information from the senses and from memory. Animals update their orientation – their knowledge of location and heading – as they move about. Combinations of landmark-based and dead-reckoning processes are used to update. Humans also use symbolic representations to maintain orientation, including language and cartographic maps. Factors have been identified that make orientation easier in some environments than others. Neuroscience has pointed to the role of certain brain structures in the maintenance of orientation and has uncovered evidence for neurons that fire preferentially in response to an animal’s location or heading. Artificial intelligence researchers develop computer models that test theories of navigational cognition or just create competent robots.
People conceive of different spaces differently, depending on the functions they serve. This chapter considers the space of the body, space surrounding the body, space of navigation, and space of external representations, such as diagrams and graphs. Representations of the space of the body allow us to know what the parts of our bodies can do, where they are, what is impinging on them, and, importantly, how to interpret the bodies of others. The space around the body is decomposed into the six regions projecting from the six surfaces of the body. The space of navigation is the space of potential travel. It serves to guide us as we walk, drive, fly about in the world. The space of external representations considered here is typically space on paper meant to represent an actual space. External visuospatial representations bear many similarities to those that reside in the mind.
Mental spaces are not unitary. Rather, people conceive of different spaces differently, depending on the functions they serve. Four such spaces are considered here. The space of the body subserves proprioception and action; it is divided by body parts, with perceptually salient and functionally significant parts more accessible than others. The space around the body subserves immediate perception and action; it is conceived of in three dimensions in terms of relations of objects to the six sides of the body: front/back, head/feet, left/right. The space of navigation subserves that; it is constructed in memory from multimodal pieces, typically as a plane. The reconstruction generates systematic errors. The space of external representations, of pictures, maps, charts, and diagrams, serves as cognitive aids to memory and information processing. To serve those ends, graphics schematize and may distort information.
This chapter reviews research on spatial abilities, which is concerned with individual differences in how people mentally represent and manipulate spatial information to perform cognitive tasks. We first review factor analytic studies of spatial abilities. This research tradition provided strong evidence that spatial ability is differentiated from general intelligence and that it is not a single, undifferentiated construct, but instead is composed of several somewhat separate abilities. We next review analyses of performance on spatial abilities tests by cognitive psychologists, which has shown that different spatial abilities may depend more or less on speed of processing, strategies, quality of spatial images, active maintenance of spatial information, and central executive processes. Third, we examine individual differences in large-scale or environmental spatial abilities such as wayfinding and navigation. Research on this topic has begun to characterize the factor structure of large-scale spatial abilities and these abilities’ relation to more traditional measures of spatial abilities. Finally, we consider some of the functions of spatial ability in occupational and academic performance, including surgery, mechanical reasoning, and mathematical problem solving.
This chapter discusses the development of visuospatial representation and thinking. Although development crosscuts all of the issues covered in other chapters in this handbook, it is typically (perhaps unfortunately) discussed separately within cognitive psychology. In this chapter, we offer a focused look at how the spatial abilities of the competent adult come about. Infants begin with certain spatial skills, as nativists have often stressed, and yet these skills change with development, as stressed by other theories including Vygotskyan, empiricist and interactionist approaches. Some important developmental changes include: the reweighting of initial spatial coding systems as the infant learns more about the world, the advent of place learning, and the acquisition of perspective taking and mental rotation. Children also begin to be able to use symbolic representations of space, including maps, models and linguistic descriptions, and they learn to think about space and to use spatial representations for thinking.
We review evidence indicating that mental images, like pictures and percepts, depict rather than describe the represented content, and that visual images rely heavily on the same neural substrate as actual vision. Given this shared substrate, it is perhaps unsurprising that images also show certain sensory effects (e.g., sensory aftereffects) often associated with relatively low-level processes in vision. We argue, though, that images (like percepts and unlike pictures) are organized depictions, perceived within a perceptual reference frame that governs how certain aspects of the form are understood, and we consider some of the implications of this reference frame for image function. Evidence is also presented for a distinction between visual and spatial images, each with its own functional profile and its own neural substrate. Finally, we consider differences from one individual to the next in the vividness of mental images. We argue that, despite the skepticism of many investigators, vividness self-reports are interpretable and meaningfully linked to performance in at least some imagery tasks.