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This chapter deals with the primal, pagan religion of Ireland. As for the position of women, Irish society was strongly patriarchal: women were generally under the authority of their father, husband or son, and had limited scope for independent action. Irish society was hierarchical, and the law tracts list several different ranks, each with its own honour price. The basic structure was that of kings, lords, and ordinary freemen, all of whom were free and had their own legal independence. By ad 500, it is likely that Christianity had been preached throughout Ireland, but far from certain that it had yet been embraced by a majority of the population. In Ireland, paganism was so strongly entrenched that Christianity had to struggle for well over a century before winning formal acceptance. In Irish society, the hereditary principle was so ubiquitous that it was natural for it to apply within the church as well.
From the later third century, Germans whom the literary sources called Franks had joined with other barbarians to challenge Roman rule in Gaul. This chapter acknowledges the importance of the Bishop Gregory's extensive writings in the discussions of the formation of Frankish kingdoms, the working of kingship, the roles of aristocrats and bishops, and the limits of Merovingian rule. The kingdom in north-eastern Gaul was sometimes known simply as 'Francia'. It also came to be known as Austria or Austrasia. Although by the fifth century Orthodox Christianity provided a dominant world-view among the Roman population in Gaul, as the Franks expanded into Gaul they nevertheless retained their pagan cults, and even into the sixth century they continued to worship at pagan shrines, especially in northern Gaul. In the kingdom of Austrasia various combinations of Frankish aristocrats, Roman aristocrats and bishops competed for influence at the royal court.
Examining the debate which developed in Italy during the early years of the twentieth century around the concept of romanticism is a useful and effective way of charting the relationship of intellectual and critical ideas to the realities of the national operatic tradition. The common ground of the discussion was to locate the idea of the romantic tradition in a synthesis of various historical, aesthetic and ethical characteristics, and to identify it with the period of the melodramma, a genre which brought with it notions of humanity and moral character, of stylistic features (sentimentalism, expression of the passions, primacy of melody), and of formal and linguistic conventions, which, taken together, go to make up the received view of Italian musicality. From the varied pronouncements and points of view expressed within this complex of ideas and characteristics, an ideological divide seems clear between those musicians who remained loyal to the melodramatic tradition (essentially, those born around 1860 and who first came to prominence around 1890, such as Francesco Cilea, Umberto Giordano, Ruggero Leoncavallo, Pietro Mascagni and Giacomo Puccini) and those who, being more sharply critical of this tradition, inclined towards a radical re-evaluation both of dramaturgical categories and also of the musical language itself within a modernist perspective (those musicians who were born around 1880 and came to prominence around 1910, such as Alfredo Casella, Gian Francesco Malipiero and Ildebrando Pizzetti).
Subject-matter in twentieth-century opera has been shaped by influences as divergent as psychoanalysis, the cinema and television, the preference of many composers for chamber opera, the abandonment of verse or rhymed texts as the standard libretto, and an ironic scrutiny of the form of opera itself. ‘Can I find [an ending] that is not trivial?’, the Countess asks at the close of Strauss's last opera, Capriccio (1942). The problem of triviality confronted many composers after Wagner, whose music-dramas appeared as the pinnacle of operatic development. In the new century it was questionable whether opera as a viable art-form had not been consumed alongside Tristan and Isolde in the passion of the ‘Liebestod’, or the Teutonic gods in the fiery collapse of Der Ring des Nibelungen.
One solution was to make triviality itself into an operatic subject, as Křenek so successfully did with his Zeitoper, Jonny spielt auf (1927), which closes with the image of the black jazz violinist Jonny fiddling astride the globe. Another was to absorb Wagner's musical techniques and dramatic ideals into nationally inflected works: Debussy's Pelléas et Mélisande (1902) owes much to Wagner, but its speech-melody closely resembles the contours of spoken French. A letter Debussy wrote to Ernest Chausson on 2 October 1893 shows how concerned he was to discover a Wagnerian element ‘appearing in the corner of a bar’ (Lesure and Nichols 1987, 54).
Historical approaches to the written sources have changed in many ways and at several analytical levels. New evidence, new lenses, have become available. This chapter presents a short survey of the ways in which those forms of evidence are approached and the sorts of questions which they can, and cannot, answer. The most common form of historical writing, broadly defined, was related to ecclesiastical history: hagiography. A common source for post-Roman social history is the series of law-codes issued in the period. Another source of information for the period takes the form of letters. Poetic writing in this period took a number of forms. The theological writings are increasingly of interest to historians of the early Middle Ages, certainly far more than was the case a hundred years ago. The chapter discusses developments in archaeological theory, numismatics and epigraphy, and towns and trade. The study of medieval rural settlements provides many ways of examining social structure as well as economy.
In the spring of 586 King Leovigild was succeeded by his son Reccared. Reccared, abandoned Arianism and converted to the Catholic faith, and which, was intended to complete the political achievements of his father by ensuring the support of the nobility of Roman origin and the Catholic Church. In the period between the assassination of Witteric in 610 and the dethronement of Svinthila in 631, there were several kings. The most significant accomplishment of their reigns was the destruction of Byzantine power in the Peninsula. The reigns of Chindasuinth and his son Reccesuinth cover a long period during which both carried out extensive legislative work culminating in the promulgation of the Liber Iudiciorum, a great compilation of law initiated by Chindasuinth and completed by Reccesuinth in 654. This chapter discusses Egica and the attempt to establish dynastic succession, and Witiza, Roderic and the end of the Visigoth kingdom.
The end of Rome's political control certainly did not mark the end of the Roman era: Roman roots had burrowed too deeply. In almost every other facet of European life, economic, social, intellectual, legal, religious, linguistic and artistic, much of the Roman imprint held firm, sometimes for centuries after the political bonds were loosed. The reign of the emperor Commodus is taken as the signpost towards the end of Rome's Golden Age. There had always been a strong religious element in Roman rule, and it deepened as the Empire aged. The Roman world would deliver to the European Middle Ages not only Christianity's holy book, its Bible, but also a huge body of systematic theology. The advent of the barbarians could actually enhance the status of the Roman aristocracy. Late Roman ideas of law and the ways that it regulates the ownership of property were also passed directly into the early Middle Ages in the West.
The focus of the narrative history of Francia in the seventh century is its ruling dynasty, the Merovingians. This chapter begins at the start of the seventh century with the unification of Francia under a single ruler, which lengthened the distance between ruler and ruled and made necessary the development of political consensus. In the mid to later seventh century much of Francia was run by people schooled in this fashion through the courts of Chlothar II, Dagobert and his son, Clovis II. According to the Chronicle of Fredegar, Chlothar took control of both Burgundy and Austrasia by agreement with the magnates of each kingdom. There was a marked rise in religious activity as Christian culture overflowed from its traditional urban strongholds to penetrate deep into the countryside. It was in fact the overall stability of the Frankish polity which made child kingship possible. The seventh century therefore saw Francia maturing economically as well as politically and culturally.
Ireland, Scotland, the Isle of Man, Wales, south-western Britain (Cornwall and Devon) and Brittany were the principal Celtic countries in the sixth and seventh centuries, although some other parts of Western Europe still had a Celtic vernacular language at that time. Brittany, south-western England and Wales had all been part of the Roman Empire, though the level of participation in Roman material culture and civic life varied enormously across them and though some parts had frequently had a military presence. Eastern Brittany and south-east Wales had been more affected, and the coasts of Wales, had had forts built and refurbished in the late fourth century. Despite the geographical differences, the economic base in Celtic areas was one of mixed farming, supplemented by hunting and gathering when appropriate. The structure of Celtic societies in the sixth and seventh centuries is also complicated by the migration factor and its uneven operation, as are societies in so many other parts of Western Europe.
Throughout the political history of western Europe, there have been few periods of such dramatic change as the fifth century. In 400 the borders of the Roman Empire in the West, by then distinct from the Empire in the East which was governed from Constantinople, stood reasonably firm. The Byzantines, as speaking the one language and looking the same, saw them, along with the Gepids, as nations that could be distinguished only by their names. The Mediterranean lands were occupied by powers that threatened Byzantine interests, but it was sometimes within the power of the Empire to act so as to destabilise its enemies. The nomadic Berbers had been pressing increasingly on the Vandal kingdom, and they were to pose a major problem to Byzantine Africa, for their practice of lightly armed and mobile combat made them difficult opponents for the Byzantine cavalry. The Gothic war had lasted far longer than the Vandal war, but its outcome was the same.
To attempt to site the stage works of the Second Viennese School in relation to more encompassing artistic tendencies within opera since 1900 is to come face to face with a number of apparent incongruities. For example, of the six scores which reached a definitive form, only two or three of them – Alban Berg's Wozzeck and Lulu, and perhaps Arnold Schoenberg's Moses und Aron – could be said to have achieved a secure place in the international repertory. Furthermore, if totalitarian censorship, much less perceived considerations of linguistic complexity, has failed to exert any lastingly adverse affect on the canonical status of these compositions, then the further critical veneration of Schoenberg's Erwartung, reverently anticipated by Anton von Webern over a decade before the work's delayed first performance in 1924 (see Webern 1912), does not alter the fact that they remain the legacy of Schoenberg and Berg only. While Berg's 1929 lecture on Wozzeck identified the work as the first full-scale opera to have emerged from ‘the movement that people quite wrongly called atonality’ (Jarman 1989a, 154), it could hardly have been expected to predict two further historical outcomes: that of the two major stage works of the 1930s, one (Moses) would remain a two-act fragment, while the other (Lulu), requiring partial completion of just 87 bars, would have to wait more that four decades for its intended three-act performance.
This chapter covers the kings who governed the one-time dioceses of Italy, Spain, Gaul and Britannia in the post-Roman era. Sixth and seventh century Europeans with only marginal education could have known of the fall of the kings of Rome. The legitimate emperor, Justinian II, was the last of the dynasty of Heraclius, which takes the credit for saving the Eastern Roman Empire from complete extinction. The only king in Frankish Gaul was Childebert III. Child kings reflected the strictly hereditary nature of kingship in this part of the West. The chapter shows that sub-Roman monarchy in the West derives substantially from the Roman imperial model. Early medieval western kings inherited what was, by the standards of the time when Germans first became familiar with Rome, a massive palace mechanism. Among the themes of their rule was its scaling down until it again resembled what had been at Augustus' disposal.