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The portrait of Homer that forms the frontispiece of this volume hangs in the Gallerie dell' Accademia, Venice. It is generally thought to be an early work of Mattia Preti (1613-1699), from a period when the influence of Caravaggio on him was strong. As a rendering of the bard, considered retrospectively from the twenty-first century, it offers much to ponder. The general appearance - closed, useless eyes upon a gaunt and bearded face - follows the ancient type. The upward turn of the head, however, evokes ancient portraits of Alexander of Macedon, that great dreamer, and the painting’s dark and brooding atmosphere, like many other portraits of the seicento, seems already to evoke the spirit of Romanticism. Proto-Romantic too is the stress on the inspiration of the lonely genius. The principal light in the picture streams from heaven, abode of the Muses, the source of this inspiration. It falls full on the unseeing eyes, underscoring the paradox that the blind poet sees more than the sighted. Yet the poet is no mere passive receptacle. Above his eyes, Homer’s deep brows are obscured by Apollo’s laurels; this is a learned poet, like the docti poetae of Hellenistic Alexandria or Catullan Rome. The doctor’s robes reinforce the point: medieval, of course. The wreath too more probably springs from medieval conceptions of the poet’s garb or from the famous close of the third book of Horace’s Odes - sume superbiam | quaesitam meritis, et mihi Delphica | lauro cinge volens, Melpomene, comam - than from close knowledge of Greek cultic practice.
On 12 April 1989 in the Main House of the Düsseldorf Theatre a staged version of Homer’s Iliad had its première. Die Ilias des Homer was a co-production between the Düsseldorf Schauspielhaus and the Schauspiel Essen. It was presented in two parts, each lasting two and a half hours, directed by Hansgöunther Heyme and Hanns-Dietrich Schmidt, based on the translation into German by the Homer scholar Wolfgang Schadewaldt (1900-74) who had completed work on the project shortly before his death. A proposal to make the version into a television production to be shown in the early evening in order to attract a young audience to Homer had foundered for financial reasons.
Alongside his research, Schadewaldt also worked extensively on translations, many of which were published in the later stages of his career and some of which were staged. In 1958 he had published a prose translation of the Odyssey so the Iliad translation both completed his translation of Homer and linked to his staged translations of Greek drama. Schadewaldt also published works on the history of German culture, especially on the relationship between classicism and Romanticism, including Goethe-Studien: Natur und Altertum (1963). T
For a deeper understanding of the interlocking phenomena of the years between 1050 and 1190, one would obviously need to turn one's attention to the towns, to long-distance exchanges, to the various social strata, and to both their spiritual and their economic interrelations. This chapter focuses on the dramatic increase in population and then unprecedented surge in agricultural production. South and north, Atlantic littoral and central Europe offer many contrasts in rhythm, in scale or even in the underlying causes determining the development of particular systems for the cultivation of the soil. Cereals may well be the main feature of the rural economy in regions characterised by a sedentary mode of existence and yet by no means all the soil in Europe was given over to the production of grain. Demographic increase, and the development of pack-animals, whether saddled or yoked, exerted considerable pressure upon natural resources.
Descriptions of the structure of the church in the period 1073-1216 often drew an analogy with secular government. Bernard of Clairvaux, the most influential writer on papal authority in the twelfth century, eschewed monarchical language but expressed the supremacy of the Roman church through a range of alternative images. The Roman church is 'the head of the world through whom the keys and judgement-seats are granted to all bishoprics'. Huguccio concluded that the Roman church instituted all prelates, whatever their ecclesiastical dignity or office. The years 1073-1216 saw the pope firmly established as supreme judge not only of all men but also of the law itself. The holy Roman church confers right and authority on the sacred canons, but she herself is not bound by them, because she has the right of making the canons. The pope's right to confer privileges on ecclesiastical institutions and his right to cancel such privileges equally revealed his dominion over the law.
This introduction presents an overview of the concepts discussed in this book. The book presents a broad view of what mattered in the relationships between western and eastern Europe, and also between Europe, North Africa and the Middle East. It focuses on themes in economic, social governmental, ecclesiastical and cultural history, and discusses the government on a territorial or institutional basis. Governmentally, the period is broadly one of progress within western Europe in the sense that many lordships and kingdoms grew together in solidarity and developed a stronger sense of community. Royal government in France and England was immeasurably stronger at the end of the eleventh century, but in Germany, the position of the monarchy was more ambiguous and complex. The eleventh and twelfth centuries are the time when Romanesque art and architecture reached their zenith in all parts of western Europe; the twelfth is the century when the Gothic style began to flourish in the north.
Latinists are accustomed to measuring Homer’s presence in Rome by his impact on Roman poetry. Epic looms largest in this regard, but most poetic genres can be regarded to some extent as derivatives of Homer. And even outside of poetry, Homer’s impact on Latin letters is not small. But the reception of Homer by Roman culture is a very widespread phenomenon that is hardly confined to literature. Homerising literature in Latin needs to be understood as part of a much broader and more pervasive Homeric presence in material culture and social practice. Abundant evidence from the material and social spheres shows that elite Romans lived in a world pervaded by Homer, and would have done whether Roman poets had interested themselves in Homer or not. That the poets did so should be regarded as an outgrowth of material and social considerations rather than as their source. This is not to challenge traditional ideas about the importance of literary-historical engagements with Homer by Livius Andronicus, Ennius, Virgil and others. Such ideas have been voiced many times, and each of these important authors is in his own way justified to claim the title of 'the Roman Homer'. But habitual celebration of poetic achievement without due attention to the broader cultural milieu in which the poets worked has produced a very partial picture of Homer’s presence throughout Roman culture. Accordingly, in part one of this essay I will survey the nonliterary presence of Homer in Rome and elsewhere in Italy as a context for understanding Homeric elements in the realm of Roman literature. In the second half of the essay, I will proceed to literary evidence, but will focus on those aspects that look to the circulation of Homer in Roman social life, again as a context for more belletristic performances of Homer. In following this procedure, I do not mean to give short shrift to such monuments of Homeric culture as Ennius' Annales and Virgil’s Aeneid. Rather, I hope to redress an imbalance between the use of literary and nonliterary evidence in assessing Homer’s impact at Rome.
During the twelfth century, the knights were regarded as a professional group. By the end of the century, there was undoubtedly 'a warrior order', that is, the knights. In the technical domain, a number of innovations profoundly modified the art of war and conferred on the knights a greater pre-eminence. All these factors created or accelerated the trend towards the formation of a knightly society which was aware of it and produced its own ideology. Knightly society included all who, at different levels, participated in the ban within the framework of the political seigneurie, of which the castle constituted both the symbol and the base. During the thirteenth century, that the feudal and knightly model penetrated the empire and there assumed aspects of an ideological veneer. The knightly class formed was distinguished from the other warriors by equipment, methods of fighting and training, the way of life and manners and an ethic and an ideology, known as 'chivalric'.
From the very earliest infancy young children are nursed in their learning by Homer, and swaddled in his verses we water our souls with them as though they were nourishing milk. He stands beside each of us as we start out and gradually grow into men, he blossoms as we do, and until old age we never grow tired of him, for as soon as we set him aside we thirst for him again; it may be said that the same limit is set to both Homer and life.
(‘Heraclitus’, Homeric Problems 1.5–7)
Father Homer
In antiquity the relationship between Homer and subsequent Greek literature was figured through a series of (often overlapping) images: Homer was the 'source' from which all subsequent writers were irrigated, the fountainhead of both subject and style, and also the 'father' of all later literature (cf. Nonnus, Dionysiaca 25.265). On a famous late Hellenistic relief by Archelaos of Priene (Plate 1) the enthroned poet is acclaimed by (among others) History, Poetry, Tragedy and Comedy, and crowned by Time and 'Oikoumene' (the inhabited world) as being, in Thucydides' hopeful words about his own work, not only 'a possession for all time', but also one for everyone; no one 'owns' Homer.
The century after Edward the Confessor returned from exile in Normandy to be crowned king of England in 1042 might be called the century of the Norman Conquest, which led to the formation of a short-lived Anglo-Norman realm. Normandy under Duke William was in the process of becoming the most powerful principality in the French kingdom. By 1047 the troubles of the duke's minority were over, and a victory over rebels at Val-fes-Dunes left him in a commanding position, strong enough to meet any new rebellion. The 1050s were a time of consolidation, when the frontiers of the duchy were strengthened, the authority of the king of France though acknowledged in principle was virtually excluded and a slow military expansion was begun. This prepared the way for the external conquests and triumphs of the 1060s. Bishops were liable to come under the same jurisdiction as the lay magnates. Their position in both England and Normandy was similar.
The tangible assets Earl Robert brought to the Angevins were the city and stronghold of Bristol in England, the county of Glamorgan in Wales, numerous other castles and properties in the south-west and elsewhere in England, together with Bayeux and Caen in Normandy, and a network of loyal Anglo-Norman and Welsh allies and vassals. Many within and without the church from the mid-1140s onwards increasingly saw young Henry Plantagenet, heir to Normandy, as the logical and rightful heir to England as well. In and after 1144, events outside the Anglo-Norman world counted towards Angevin success. Henry II's success in governing his vast dominions with their varied populations and frontiers rested, in part, on his boundless energy and pragmatism. Castles and administrative posts in England had been split between the nobles, clergy and royal officials so that no particular group or faction exercised overwhelming power.
This chapter reviews the development and after-effects of the Norman Conquest of England in Scotland, Wales and Ireland, which made they felt far into the twelfth century and beyond. As in England, long reigns made for political stability, strengthened by the fact that the five rulers represented only two different generations. Three brothers, Edgar, Alexander I and David I, were followed by David's two older grandsons, Malcolm IV and William I 'the Lion'. The Welsh, united culturally by their use of a P-Celtic version of the common Celtic family of languages, were a pastoral people organized in clans, recognizing the superior chiefship of warring dynasties which would claim the right to provide a king over a distinct gwlad. In Irish history the twelfth century must always be the age of conquest, mostly belonging to families of Norman, Flemish, Breton or other continental background, exploited their military skills and techniques to acquire kingdoms and trading towns in the south of Ireland.
This chapter presents an overview of government and community in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. Government at every level, from that of kingdoms down to villages or estates, depended on a great deal of collective activity. Ideas about justice, public welfare and good government did not, however, start from the individualist and egalitarian premises that have developed since the seventeenth century. Individuals were born into gentes as they were born into families, and they were born under the authority of the ruler or rulers of their gens. During the twelfth century, the word commune came into use to describe city governments but it does not seem to have had particularly revolutionary overtones. The mark of a commune is sometimes thought to have been the collective oath taken by its members, which turned a local community into something closer, more united, and therefore more revolutionary.
The Salian century can been seen as falling into two parts: whereas Conrad II and Henry III reigned according to established customs, Henry IV was faced with problems that left him and most of his contemporaries without orientation. To medieval historians, Henry III was a pious ruler because he fought simony and his father Conrad II was rather less so because he did not. Some twenty years after Henry III's death, Pope Gregory VII formally abjured the dual allegiance of the bishops towards king and pope when he declared all investitures performed by laymen, including the kings, to be illegal. As far as the contest over investitures was concerned, Henry V opened negotiations almost immediately after his father's death. As king of Italy and emperor-to-be and as the son and successor of the pope's personal enemy, Henry V had to come to terms with Pope Paschal II himself.
The political map of Muslim Spain, by the middle of the eleventh century, had somewhat simplified. Given the great disparities in wealth and military strength between the various taifas, it was only a matter of time before some of the lesser statelets fell victim to the predatory ambitions of their more powerful neighbours. In the immediate aftermath of the death of 'Abd al-Malik al-Muzaffar in the autumn of 1008, however, the rulers of the Christian realms of the peninsula could scarcely have foreseen the political upheaval that within a very short time would lead to the disintegration of unitary rule in Muslim Spain, let alone the opportunities for spectacular self-enrichment and wholesale territorial expansion that would subsequently present themselves. The sovereigns of Leon had traditionally considered themselves to be the legitimate successors to the unitary Visigothic kingdom which had perished at the hands of the Muslim invaders in 711.
The twelfth-century Renaissance eluded the English language, which came last in the triad of languages that were commonly used in England; but the century left an ample deposit in Anglo-Norman French and Latin literature. To understand the linguistic and cultural situations in twelfth-century Europe entails examining relationships not only between Latin and vernaculars but also among various vernaculars. Some vernacular literatures have vanished forever, like stones hurled into a deep lake. To recover the contours of these lost literatures, it is necessary to consider the ripples they left in the literature that does survive, namely, the Latin literature. It is not surprising that the literature of the greater twelfth century has played a pivotal role in revivals of interest in the middle ages, and it is probable that it will continue to attract well-deserved attention, even as neglected later and earlier centuries receive more of their due.
Where the Iliad deals with one short phase of the Trojan War, the Odyssey tells the drawn-out story of the Achaean hero Odysseus after the sack of Troy: his enforced wanderings, his return to his homeland Ithaca, his struggle to regain his kingdom and Penelope, his queen, who has spent the best part of twenty years resisting the advances of the local princes.
The Odyssey has long been regarded as a poem like, but not like, the Iliad. For 'Longinus', in the first century ad, the poem is 'an epilogue' to the Trojan epic, and in support of this proposition the critic cites old Nestor’s recollections of the Trojan battlefield, as told to Odysseus' son Telemachus in Book iii:
There lies warlike Ajax; there lies Achilles;
There lies Patroclus, peer of the gods in counsel;
There lies mine own son.
The Iliad celebrates a ritualised way of living and dying and, complementary to it, practises a ritualised way of describing that living and dying – which is the aesthetic rationale of its formulaic alternations and repetitions. It celebrates also a human striving for heroism and an agreed, if elusive, harmony of human striving and divine facilitation. The Odyssey is different. Though its formulaic idiom, its ritualism and its heroic ideal are similar, the Odyssean universe, by comparison, seems restless and less assured of any ultimate correspondence than concerned to achieve one. Even before the action of the poem is under way, the Odyssey foregrounds the issue of disharmony of the spheres.
The extant royal charters and the historiography of St-Denis offer a perspective on the Capetians that was highly configured by ecclesiastical concerns. From their Robertian origins the Capetians proclaimed their dynastic rights to the crown. The charters of Louis VI and Louis VII announced a new policy towards the commercial groups who converged upon towns in northern France spurred by the revival of trade at the turn of the eleventh century. Except for new attention to townspeople and Suger's ideological formulations Louis VI and Louis VII introduced few governmental innovations. Overshadowed by the might of the Anglo-Norman-Angevins, Philip Augustus was reluctant to respond to the call for the Third Crusade. As an aftermath of Bouvines, the last decade of Philip's reign may be characterized by the expected fruits of victory: peace, prosperity and the re-expression of ideology. Bouvines represented a victory of a Capetian king of the Franks over a Roman emperor.