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Scandinavia lends itself to a discussion of the causes, expressions and course of urbanization. The earliest known tendencies towards urbanisation in Scandinavia manifest themselves in the economic and political centres of the Merovingian Period and the early Viking Age. Scandinavian urbanisation entered a new phase from the latter part of the tenth century. From now on there is evidence of several places with a more complex centrality. Places of particular importance in this context are Lund in medieval Denmark, Sigtuna in Sweden, and Trondheim, Oslo and Bergen in Norway. Most of the new high medieval towns were established in the central parts of the Danish kingdom, including Skåne, and in the Mälaren area of Sweden with its extension towards the south and towards Finland. The development of Scandinavian towns was closely related to the evolution of more centralised political systems. The early medieval Norwegian towns were promoted by the kings which was important for the political unification process.
As the Iron Age progressed, Scandinavia changed from being a separate region in Europe to becoming a border area, initially to the Roman Empire and then to the Merovingian and Carolingian kingdoms. Many Scandinavian resources were important for the major kingdoms of Europe and political leaders in the Scandinavian centres knew how to take advantage of long-distance trade with such commodities. At the onset of the early Iron Age it appears that a more egalitarian tribal society with few traces of social stratification had come into being. Early Iron Age hamlets and villages consisted of a number of small, individual farming units. The best investigated village is situated near Grøntoft in western Jylland. Existence of helmets, ring swords, and other ornamented status objects found in richly furnished warrior graves from France and southern England to Finland seem to confirm that the petty Scandinavian and Finnish kingdoms aspired to the ideology and political organisation that was characteristic of the Franks.
The languages of Scandinavia: Denmark, Finland, Norway, Sweden, have been either of Indo-European or Finno-Ugrian origin. The conception of the development of Finnish and Sami branches of Finno-Ugrian rests on comparison of their various post-Reformation manifestations with each other and with related languages. The development of a characteristically Scandinavian form of the Germanic branch of Indo-European has largely to do with the spread of Germanic to the east, south and west, with resulting linguistic splits between the different groups of speakers involved. The earliest extant vernacular manuscripts, of Iceland and Norway in twelfth and Denmark and Sweden in late thirteenth century, confirm the existence of numerous and significant linguistic differences between the various areas of Scandinavia. Many scholars have in fact reckoned with an East Nordic-West Nordic split from as early as the end of the syncope period. East Nordic is roughly the language of Denmark and Sweden, West Nordic that of Norway and later of Iceland.
This chapter explains the treatment of mentality with respect to the monarchy and the church that were built up in Scandinavia in the high Middle Ages. In this way, it becomes possible to treat mentality in close connection with ideology. A main theme in most surveys of the Scandinavian countries until around 1300 is the growth of the state. The mental aspect of this development is illustrated clearly in The King's Mirror. The conflict between the old and the new attitude to a central authority emerges clearly from The King's Mirror. An important symbolic expression of the new ideology was royal unction and coronation which introduced in Norway, Denmark and Sweden in the 11th and 12th centuries. Courtly culture was an important medium of the far-reaching changes as a result of the victory of the state. The chapter also discusses the importance of Christianity, oral and visual preaching, and Christianity as a religion for the laity and the nobility.
The main tendencies in the development of Scandinavian political organisation in the high Middle Ages were centralisation and growth of public authority under the monarchy, the Church, and the secular aristocracy. This chapter outlines the development of three Nordic kingdoms that grew into more state-like entities, until 1319 when the first of the Nordic unions was established between Norway and Sweden. Danish struggles over the succession to the throne from the 1130s to the 1150s were followed by the strong and expansionist Valdemarian monarchy which once more made Denmark the leading kingdom in Scandinavia. In Norway, the Norwegian church was centralised under the archbishop of Trondheim in 1152-3, and in the following decades the first steps were taken towards a nationally organised system of government. Scandinavian kingship entered a new phase in the high Middle Ages, reflected by the introduction of royal unction and coronation. There may have been early royal initiatives in provincial thing legislation in the Scandinavian kingdoms.
From an international point of view Scandinavian literature of the Middle Ages is largely identified with the narrative literature of Iceland, particularly the myths of the Edda and the classical family sagas. When the Church brought the Latin alphabet and European learning to Scandinavia, the culture of the region was basically oral, although runes played a certain role. Traditional oral culture encompassed all aspects of life. In east Scandinavia, literary production was originally confined to very few centres of clerical learning. The first Scandinavians known to have studied at foreign centres of learning are Icelanders in the eleventh century. Both bishops of Skálholt, Ísleifr and Gizurr were educated in Germany and France. The Eddic style was used, in composing new poetry for fornaldarsögur, while some fragments of heroic poetry included in such sagas may be old and preserved in oral tradition into the fourteenth century. The chapter also discusses storytelling literature, Skaldic poetry, and king's sagas.
In his ‘Reminiscences of Auber’ (1871), Richard Wagner recalled he had occasionally met the elder composer over ices at the Café Tortoni back in 1860, at the time the revised Tannhäuser was in rehearsal at the Paris Opera. On one occasion, when Auber was asking after these preparations, Wagner explained to him something of the nature of the opera. Auber ‘gleefully rubbed his hands together’ and replied, ‘Ah, so there will be spectacle; it will be a success, then, never fear!’ Wagner recounts the anecdote with the irony of hindsight, of course, since the Paris Tannhäuser production of the following March (1861) turned out to be a legendary fiasco. Auber naively assumed that Tannhäuser was cut from the familiar cloth of Parisian grand opera, and that French audiences would respond favourably to such elements as the fleshy ballet-pantomime with its nymphs and satyrs, the procession of pilgrims through a ‘Romantic’ landscape of changing seasonal hues, the hunting party at the end of Act I, and the ceremonial entry of the Thuringian nobles to the song-contest at the court of Landgrave Hermann in Act II. It was by no means an unreasonable assumption. Granted, Wagner had updated the score (the opening ‘Bacchanale’ and the scene between Tannhäuser and Venus in Act I, particularly) with touches of the advanced chromaticism and the sequential-developmental style of Tristan und Isolde, quite at odds with the comfortable phraseology of much grand opera. But when Tannhäuser was originally composed, in 1845, Wagner's experience of French grand opera was still relatively fresh, and its impact still considerable.
The verses which the librettist writes ... are really a private letter to the composer ... They must efface themselves and cease to care what happens to them.
It is a cliché to observe that opera, and perhaps in particular grand opera, is a composite venture, and that it is from this very hybridity that its strengths are fashioned. One need only peruse the range of ‘resources’ discussed in Part I of this Companion to see that grand opera generates a form of cultural force-field in which otherwise disparate skills are focused in the service of a particular production (and a particular product which hopes to exceed the proverbial sum of its parts). If this is true of performance arts in general, then to the theatrical arts here we must add the musical faculties of orchestration and singing. Indeed, it is hard to resist the sense that these faculties are at the core of a cultural product to which the visual and the textual contribute but which they do not dominate.
One can imagine how the story of the relationship between grand opera and its textual complement, the libretto, might be idealised as a harmonious marriage of equal partners; purely aesthetic criticism would explore how the libretto supports or underpins the project of staging a particular opera. It would, however, probably be a mistake to claim that it is largely in such textual frameworks where we find the most conspicuous innovations of grand opera, innovations which might lead us to recall, for more than purely historical reasons, the merits of an essentially nineteenth-century genre as the twenty-first begins.
For 300 years, beginning at the end of the eighth century, Scandinavians, figure prominently in the history of western Europe, first as pirates and later as conquerors. In the ninth century it was the English who called the invaders Vikings, originally a Scandinavian appellative: víkingr. The first recorded raids were on monasteries in the British Isles. The pressure of increasing population in Scandinavia and the consequent shortage of land was the main cause of Viking activity. However, in other parts, most of the first generations of Vikings were seeking wealth. Scandinavians took advantage of internal conflicts in western Europe. In 838 Vikings supported the Britons of Cornwall against the West Saxons, and in 844 a deposed Northumbrian king was restored to power. Reasons behind the decrease in Viking activity in western Europe may also lie in the better wealth-gathering opportunities that existed in the east where there had been great changes since the eighth century.
Iʾm the only man who has written in our time about rural Ireland from the inside.
(Patrick Kavanagh, 1949)
ʿPastoralʾ has been defined in a variety of ways, and has been said to include the ʿantipastoralʾ, though some readers will wish to make a rigid distinction between the two, while recognising that both are intimately related. Traditionally, pastoral is a matter of rural life and shepherds, idyllic landscapes in which people corrupted by court and city life are changed and renewed. It suggests a healing antithesis to the corrupting influence of urban experience, but has been characterised simply as poetry of the countryside (however defined), and does not always envision an idealised and falsified, conflict-free zone, transcending the tensions of history, though it can do that, too. ʿAntipastoralʾ, on the other hand, suggests a poetics of undermining, in which pastoral conventions are deployed or alluded to, in order to suggest or declare the limitations of those conventions, or their downright falsity. If pastoral suggests that rural life offers freedom, antipastoral may proclaim it is a prison-house, and the farmers slaves. Historically, antipastoral has been associated with Goldsmithʾs The Deserted Village(1770) and George Crabbeʾs The Village (1783), with certain poems of John Clare, and with Stephen Duck who, in The Thresherʾs Labour (1736)wrote, ʿNo fountains murmur here, no Lambkins play, / No Linnets warble, and no Fields look gayʾ. A defining feature of such poetry has been its realistic treatment of labour, protest against idealising poetic traditions, and in some cases outcry against political conditions related to land enclosure.