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Central and eastern Europe in the late Middle Ages was home to many ethnic, cultural, political and social systems. During the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries this region, experienced an increase in settlement density, especially in the kingdom of Poland and certain areas of the grand duchy of Lithuania. The Angevin period lasted sixteen years, maintaining the unity of the kingdom of Poland and its administration. The Angevin regime, in particular during the regency of the nobles from Little Poland, heightened the nobility's sense of its political value. The Lithuanian state, which developed as a monarchy in the thirteenth century, had been consolidated by Grand Duke Gediminas, and was to reach the peak of its political power as an independent state in the second half of the fourteenth century. The Polish-Lithuanian federation now became the great power of central and eastern Europe. Casimir IV's intention was to weave a network of alliances based on the several branches of the Jagiellonian dynasty.
In 1415 Henry V, king of England, invaded northern France. In the east, two new powers, Muscovy and, above all, the Ottoman Empire, were putting eastern Europe to the sword. The 'modern states' of western Christendom were characterised by the provision of substantial revenues derived from national taxation raised by consent. Dialogue, political intercourse between prince and subjects, was essential to the modern state. Both theory and practice needed adapting to the particular political society of each state on at least two levels. Epitomising power, witnessed by an attentive audience, they became complex rituals, given tangible expression as dramatic presentations overlaid with symbolism. Speeches, in particular sermons, could convey unequivocal declarations of political thought. Clerics and ecclesiastics who had completed their university studies in the faculty of arts had become acquainted with the political works of Antiquity. History, like politics, was being transformed by literature; the success of Jean Froissart's work in aristocratic and bourgeois circles is testimony of this.
The usurpation of 1399 provided a precedent and a model which exercised a profound influence over the politics and government of fifteenth-century England. The dubious title of the Lancastrians diluted the hereditary principle and thus widened the field of potential claimants to the crown. The Lancastrian era, from Henry IV's usurpation until Henry VI's deposition in 1461, was dominated by three interwoven themes: warfare, service and finance. Henry V's elder surviving brother. The crisis of the Lancastrian monarchy was inevitably precipitated by events in France. The cohesion amongst the leading magnates, long sustained by the common purpose of defending Lancastrian France, began to disintegrate. In May loyal Lancastrians were summoned to Leicester for military service, and the following month a great council was held at Coventry. The victories of Henry V, culminating in the Treaty of Troyes, linked the fortunes of the Lancastrian dynasty inextricably to continued military success in France.
Byzantines were more concerned than most medieval people with the insecure business of measuring time and defining authority. In secular terms the Ottoman state already ruled far more Orthodox Christians than did the Byzantine emperor. In the fifteenth century, 'Byzantines' still called themselves 'Romans', synonymous with 'Christians'; in Greek their Church was Catholic. This chapter concentrates on the Roman Orthodox in the last century of their world. It focuses on four homelands, based on Salonica, Mistra, Constantinople and Trebizond. The city of Salonica has many names: Greek Thessalonike, Roman Thessalonica, Slav Solun, Venetian Saloniccho, Turkish Selanik and Hebrew Slonki. The history of the Morea is a late Byzantine success story, which illustrates the dilemmas faced by Roman Orthodox leaders who were caught between the west and the Ottomans. Trebizond in the Pontos, the last Byzantine Empire to be conquered by Mehemmed II, is a final illustration of the bonds which held the Roman Orthodox world together in the fifteenth century.
The process of Ottoman expansion was halted by the Anatolian campaign of the Mongol khan, Timur. The Ottoman Empire disintegrated in Anatolia as the various Turkish states, which had been annexed by the Ottomans, were restored by Timur to their previous lords. The Christian states, particularly the Byzantines, the Venetians and the Wallachians, tried to secure maximum advantage from the division of the Ottomans by supporting one prince against the others. Dynastic clashes and social upheaval were to continue within the Ottoman Empire until 1425. The civil wars gave the opportunity to the Turkish emirs to move against the Ottomans. About 1430, the Ottoman state had sixteen provinces in Anatolia and twelve in Rumelia. Agriculture, constituting the basis of the Ottoman economy and the financial support of the army, was closely connected to the timar system. Murad II was generally described as a ruler who preferred peace to war.
The advent of printing heralded changes that have rightly been described as revolutionary. The invention of printing, its subsequent course, its effects and the ways in which it was exploited, raise issues that have little to do with the more immediate circumstances of invention. The application of metallurgical, chemical, calligraphic and engraving skills to the production of a printed page. Documentary sources, and close examination of surviving copies of books, have revealed a great deal of the background and financial and practical details of the beginnings of printing at Mainz in the 1450s. In general, printing was slow to take root in university towns; and where it did, as at Paris and Cologne, the earliest printers either showed little interest in local teaching needs, or moved on to other themes once a patron's initial enthusiasm waned. The potential of printing technology, linked to the exploitation of paper, was rapidly recognised for its religious, scholarly and social value.
Half the territory of Italy, lay within the kingdom of Naples and the papal states, for much of the land, marsh and arid plain, defied habitation or exploitation. In contrast to its passive commercial role, the kingdom developed an active naval power thanks to the revival of the and arsenal by its Aragonese rulers. Technical distinctions can be drawn between the feudal nobility of Naples and the proprietary landowners of the papal states, but all shared a common aristocratic ethos and often, as with the Orsini family of Rome, ramified throughout the south. Martin's sure-footed performance within the papal territories was matched by similar adroitness in his dealings with Naples. Sforza's departure for Milan left Alfonso uncontested arbiter of the papal states as Florence and Venice concentrated their attention on the fate of the Visconti dominions. In Naples and in Rome the way had been prepared for a long-lasting Spanish domination.
The main feature of political history in fifteenth-century Hungary was the shift from monarchical to aristocratic power. The fall of Belgrade in 1521 and the disastrous defeat in the battle of Mohács meant the end of the independent kingdom of Hungary. Having survived the disastrous defeat of the crusade at Nicopolis and loosened the fetters placed on him by his electors, the great lords King Sigismund of Luxemburg maintained an, at times, tenuous hold on Hungary for decades. Sigismund's establishment of the Order of the Dragon in 1408 marked the consolidation of his hold on the government of the kingdom. Sigismund was, less successful in meeting the crown's evergrowing financial needs. In the 1430s Ottoman raids reached deep inside Hungarian territory. The Ottomans could prohibit the co-operation of the Albanian and Hercegovinian centres of anti-Turkish resistance with the advancing troops of Hunyadi and his allies.