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Central to many political and constitutional disputes in the Pacific Islands is the fact that cultural and national identities, and categories such as indigenous, are ambiguous and contested. This chapter addresses the transformation of cultural systems and ideologies from the colonial era through decolonisation, by focusing on political ideas, cultural and local identities, and changing forms of group action. It also addresses the implications of decolonisation and economic transformation for women. Scholars suggest various causes for increasing political and other violence, such as foreign education, the frustration of young people, power disparities between ethnic groups, conflicts between region and nation over resources, and a growing gap between rich and poor. During the colonial period, Melanesian tradition became conspicuous and contentious in two arenas, one of them being that debate about local beliefs and practices escalated in association with cargo cults, that well-known form of Melanesian millenarianism. In gender relations, a dynamic conjunction linked indigenous precedents and foreign ideas and institutions.
The pioneers who colonised the western Pacific found immense forests and rivers fed by copious rain. The distinction between 'hunting and gathering' and 'agriculture' is a matter of emphasis. The pioneers developed systematic agriculture first in coastal New Guinea, then in the Highlands and later on smaller islands where natural resources would not sustain hunters and gatherers. Technical ingenuity, religious awe and social relations were so intertwined that it is misleading to isolate the 'economic' meaning of multidimensional experience. Land tenure arrangements are often described as 'traditional' or 'customary', but tenure practices on 'customary' land often differ greatly from practices described by early observers, land commissions, or in recorded oral history. Complementing most people's attachment to particular pieces of land was an equally profound commitment to social relations which rested on (and reinforced) trade and exchange. Underpinning all other relations were a host of relationships between women and men, in production, consumption and exchanges.
Throughout the nineteenth century, ambitious Pacific Islanders saw a variety of chances to transform their lives and their production and exchange. Several formed alliances with foreign adventurers, to extract or exploit resources. As the balance of political power tilted against the chiefs, however, it became increasingly difficult to retain land, labour, and autonomy. Radical scholars argue that development can be destructive, especially in societies remote from metropolitan centres and lacking political leverage. The frequency of shipwrecks even in the seventeenth century implies that many earlier vessels, seeking sandalwood or beche-de-mer, struck the western Carolines. Across the temperate South, British settlers flowed with increasing strength and turbulence. In the early nineteenth century the New Zealand Maori had earned a reputation as brutal yet intelligent natives. Islanders often had to make sacrifices to retain autonomy. The Vaitupu Company in Tuvalu (Ellice Islands) made heroic attempts at self-reliant development.
The movement for a nuclear-free Pacific recast itself in terms of a Nuclear-Free and Independent Pacific, recognising that national sovereignty is a pre-condition of reasserting control over the environments. Resource bases had been ravaged by the extraction of resources and capital. This chapter addresses issues which Islanders face as they interact with the environment which must sustain future generations, symbolically and materially. It raises questions, for there is no agreed framework through which to understand relations between economies, cultures and environments. The new nations largely continued the economic linkages established by their colonial predecessors in order to fund the now essential education, medical and public safety service. Transformations are more visible in the capitals-international news services, hospitals, schools and colleges. Academies prepare sailors to join international fleets. Many Pacific nations seek joint ventures with foreign companies, and purchase fishing vessels outright. The root causes are rapidly expanding populations and urbanisation. The redefinition of mineral resources depends crucially on political context.
Political destinies were shaped mainly by patterns of European trade and migration interacting with indigenous political structures. Two models of foreign settlement crystallised in the nineteenth century, with very different long-term implications. In Australia and New Zealand, indigenous people were outnumbered by European settlers who gained power through settler states and controlled the political agenda. This chapter relies partly on unpublished archival material for Protestant missionary societies. The most complete collection is that of the London Missionary Society, in the School of Oriental and African Studies, London University. Microfilm copies have been made available in several other libraries, including the Mitchell Library in Sydney. The Mitchell Library also holds the bulk of Methodist missionary archival material. Anglican archives are held in Lambeth Palace, London, in the Library of the University of Papua New Guinea, and in several depositories in New Zealand and the Solomon Islands. These collections are described in the bibliographies of Langmore, Missionary Lives; and Hilliard, God's Gentlemen.
Pacific Islands, and their inhabitants, were always more inter-related than the literature about them recognised. The End of Insularity, then, signifies the end of colonial perceptions of insularity that belied reality. It also denotes the empirical reality of contemporary lives as Islanders renew and expand linkages across the Pacific. Webs of relationships span Pacific and continental societies. Two economists coined the term MIRAB to describe the dependent economies of Kiribati, Tuvalu, the Cook Islands, Niue and Tokelau. It could also be applied to Tahiti, American Samoa, and throughout the former United States Trust Territory of Micronesia. The Marshallese have considerable experience with migrant and relocated communities. The colonial experience fragmented some wider linkages, and continues to shape present relationships. The history and nature of links to Pacific Rim countries significantly affect migration possibilities. Initial migration constraints, as well as the size, location, and time depth of the immigrant populations, have affected populations.
In the Pacific Islands, World War II came first as a reverberation of distant events. The French Resident in the New Hebrides, a hybrid colony administered jointly by France and Britain, quickly opted for the Allies, but for months the governors of French territories prevaricated. Australia and New Zealand, as British dominions, sent armies to aid Britain, including a Maori battalion which saw action in Greece in 1942. Japan mounted assaults from bases stretching from one end of its Micronesian territory to the other, from Saipan to Kwajalein. The Allied reoccupation of territory was relentless, leaving Japanese on many Islands isolated from supplies as the Americans leapfrogged north and north-west towards Japan. The Australians' departure from Kieta on Bougainville was an even greater blow to white prestige. The Japanese evacuated entire populations as the American threat loomed. While some Islanders fought, many more laboured for the military forces. The Japanese thought the crossing of Papua would be simple.
Since the nineteenth century, the analysis of music has undertaken to provide accounts of musical structure by explaining musical events and patterns that lend coherence to an individual work as well as contributing to its beauty and meaning. Drawing on a variety of musical building blocks – whether harmonic, contrapuntal, melodic, rhythmic or sectional – analysts of various theoretical persuasions have asked their readers to set aside their first impressions in order to pay attention to the way a piece of music works by examining the details of its ‘facture’. The ‘truth-value’ of such interpretations can of course never be divorced from the ideas an analyst holds about musical structure, since these notions or ‘theories’ largely determine which musical parameters count as structurally significant. Nonetheless within the realm of musical analysis – far different from, say, mathematics or physics – it has rarely been the elegance or grandiosity of a structural theory that has attracted adherents. Instead, successful analyses have always appealed to an inherently musical plausibility, fuzzy though such a concept must ultimately remain. For this reason, the seeming circularity of interpretation endemic to musical analysis will appear less troubling, especially when one realises that analysts – if they are to succeed – need to persuade a community of musicians that it is possible to hear a piece as proceeding ‘so and not otherwise’, to borrow a phrase of Theodor W. Adorno. And contrary to some popular perceptions, musicians are a famously hard-nosed lot when it comes to being told how to hear a piece with which they are intimate.
I shall attempt in this chapter to open up another mode of understanding Bach within his historical context. This involves comparing his attitude to music with the metaphysical theories of certain rationalist philosophers of the Baroque era. Much of what I propose here is certainly conjectural: there is no question of a direct line of influence, or even that Bach was necessarily conscious of these parallels. I intend rather to show that Bach's musical thinking and that of the metaphysicians might depend on a similar historical world-view and, more importantly, that Bach's musical mind is equal to the greatest intellects of the age, even though he had no academic pretensions himself.
Gottfried Leibniz (1646–1716) and particularly his pupil Christian Wolff (1679–1754) are certainly very close to Bach historically; indeed Leibniz's name has occurred intermittently in Bach criticism and research, particularly in the decades leading up to 1950. Bach was closely associated with a follower of Leibniz and Wolff, Lorenz Mizler, who published Leibniz's famous dictum concerning music in the second issue of his Musikalische Bibliothek: 'Music is the hidden arithmetical exercise of a mind unconscious that it is calculating.' But the metaphysics and personality of an older, consistently shunned figure, Benedict de (or Baruch) Spinoza (1632–77), may be even closer to Bach's creative personality, although – for religious reasons – this was something that Bach could not possibly have acknowledged consciously.
According to J. G. Walther's Musicalisches Lexicon (Leipzig, 1732), Bach ‘learned the first principia on the clavier from his eldest brother, Mr. Johann Christoph Bach, formerly organist and schoolmaster at Ohrdruf’. No mention is made here (or in Bach's Obituary, which gives a similar account) of composition, and Johann Christoph is not known to have been a composer. In answer to a query of J. N. Forkel's, Bach's son Carl Philipp Emanuel wrote in 1775: ‘The instruction received by [J. S. Bach] in Ohrdruf may well have been designed for an organist and nothing more.’ The clear implication is that composition was largely excluded.
Here we have a fact of great importance for the understanding of Bach's early development as a composer: unlike his great contemporary G. F. Handel, he seems to have received no formal tuition in the rudiments of composition. His early compositions, most of which are for keyboard, had dual roots: in his own rapidly growing skill as an organist and harpsichordist (‘In a short time he had fully mastered all the pieces his brother had voluntarily given him to learn’); and in his ‘observation of the works of the most famous and proficient composers of his day and … the fruits of his own reflection upon them’.
To judge by the character of Bach's early keyboard works, both the improvisatory and virtuoso aspects of his playing acted as spurs to his creativity. Improvisation was essential to the keyboard player's training in Bach's day, and numerous passages in the early keyboard works no doubt had an extempore basis, notably the free fantasy interludes in the sonata BWV 963 and in the toccatas BWV 910-15 or the ruminative elaborated chord sequences in the preludes BWV 921-3 and in the third section of the toccatas BWV 910 and 913.
The notion of consciously performing the works of Johann Sebastian Bach in a Baroque fashion, with Baroque forces, is a relatively recent development. Indeed, it is an idea that has taken firm hold only in the past fifty years. When we look back on the history of Bach's music – its birth in the Baroque, its eclipse in the Classical Period, its rediscovery in the Romantic era, and its canonisation in modern times – we find that musicians took many different approaches to playing it. The issues of what we now call ‘performance practice’ have constantly changed.
The Baroque era itself was a period of considerable stylistic self-consciousness, and this self-consciousness affected the way pieces were performed. As a German, Bach took an eclectic approach towards composition, calculatedly calling on aspects of at least five national styles: German, French, Italian, English and Polish. Each style implied particular forms, gestures, and – most importantly – modes of performance. For instance, the Overture in B Minor BWV 831, written in the French style ('nach Französischer Art’ as Bach put it), contains rhythms in the opening section that attempt to record the sharply dotted ‘French’ performing style. When Bach revised the early, C minor, version of this Overture, BWV 831a, for inclusion in Clavier-Übung II (where it is paired with an Italian Concerto ‘nach Italiaenischen Gusto’), he sharpened the rhythms to bring the execution more closely into line with the French manner of playing (Example 13.1). That is to say, he intentionally bowed to the conventions of French performance practice.