This chapter explores the cities of Northern Europe as a plethora of difference and similarity, first by considering the possibility of a Northern European region as it might emerge from climate, politics or urbanisation. It traces, a double process of urban material planning, growth and building and, on the other hand, an overall notion of a (Northern) European urban and regional identity. This plays out over a broad process from the liberal cities of the later 1800s, through the inter-war crisis and post-war changes (very distinct between Nordic and Baltic cities), to the post-Cold War period (where some similarities reappear).The chapter also focuses on the welfare period, where state and municipality enter into new negotiations. The social programmes of Nordic statecraft mean large-scale public housing, regulation and institutions, causing new cleavages between city and country. The new role of the market in urbanisation from the 1970s onwards is also considered, intersecting from 1989 with the end of the Cold War, and a reconnection between Baltic and Nordic cities. The chapter evaluates the influence of globalisation and the role of modernised cities both economically and culturally, and thus the notion and identity of Nordic and Northern European cities are connected with regional urban development.

This chapter argues that by any measure – mass conscription, full economic mobilization, blurring of civilians and combatants, blockades, sieges, scorched earth, murderous occupation, unfree labour, and state control – the Soviet Union was involved in ‘Total War’. The Soviet state set a new benchmark in its exhaustive mobilization of resources, including human labour. The government, reaching the height of its power, achieved a mobilization of resources for the front so complete that the home front population was close to collapse by the war’s end. Covering the period from the invasion in 1941 to the end of the war, the chapter examines the mass evacuation of people, industry, and herds in the face of invasion; the rationing system and supplementary food policies; compulsory labour mobilization of free citizens and prisoners; labour laws and repression; propaganda and popular support; and the liberation of the occupied territories. It examines the deep sacrifices made by ordinary people in terms of consumption, living and working conditions, and daily life in order to provision the front.

Modern European cities have owed much of their distinctive character – both as individual cities and as typical ‘European’ cities – to their landscapes of urban pleasure and recreation. The chapter charts the transformation of modern leisure in cities between the 1850s and 1930s, focusing on the role of state, commercial and civic actors, and on new ideas about leisure in the dramatic expansion of theatres, music halls, cinemas, cafés, dance halls, shopping malls, parks, sporting facilities, libraries and museums. It discusses how changes in modern landscapes of urban leisure have not just reflected but also shaped major trends in urban social change, particularly regarding the interplay of class, gender and ethnic inequalities. The final section touches upon patterns of transnational cultural exchange in the field of leisure which in various ways made European cities more European.

To the established causes of conflict (the limits of royal authority, the crown’s financial demands and factionalism) a more destabilising dimension was added after 1399: the legitimacy of the ruling branch of the Plantagenet dynasty itself. From 1455 the houses of Lancaster and York, two lines descended from Edward III, contested the throne in a series of civil wars. As Edward Hall put it in 1548, ‘All other disorders, divisions and factions flourish to this present day but the old divided controversy between the families of Lancaster and York (were) suspended and appalled in the person of … Henry VIII and by him clearly buried’.

This chapter tells the history of European urban heritage by evaluating its conceptual evolution, its relation to the major waves of urbanisation, and its role in shaping the historic quarters and the forms of urban governance as guiding indicators. The growing complexity of urban heritage integrates different types of expertise, social involvement and forms of governance. The urban growth of many nineteenth-century European cities led to their spread and to the replanning of their centres. Whereas many European city centres provided a privileged area for the political instrumentalisation of public remembrance, many became sites of industrial urbanisation. For the latter, deurbanisation usually accelerated after the Second World War due to the mass destruction or by faster industrialisation. From the 1970s, this tendency was reversed, with reurbanisation redefining these neighbourhoods. Although these processes do not entirely follow the same rhythm, they roughly determine four periods divided by the Second World War, the 1970s and 2000. Authenticity – as a historical reference, as a principle of heritage conservation, or as a constructive element of current identity-formations – remained the standard for safeguarding urban heritage and the conceptual bridge between the representation of the historic city and the urban realities in its place.

In the first section of the chapter, basic patterns of urban economic development are presented in general terms. Its conditions and dynamics are discussed from the perspective of the New Economic Geography, historical caesuras of the political/institutional environment, and determining technological trends. According to these dimensions, the overall development is divided into the three phases: the first industrialisation (until the 1880s), the second industrialisation (until 1960/1970s) and more recent post-industrial or post-Fordist developments (since the 1980s). Further sections illustrate the patterns of development, and the summary provides an overview of the most important findings.

The fourteenth century saw the arrival of what is often described as the late medieval crisis. A period of famine, war, plague and death on an unparalleled scale – it is hardly surprising that many believed the apocalypse was upon them. Given these vicissitudes it is equally unsurprising that the challenges of kingship became especially acute in this period. The fourteenth century saw the first deposition of an English king by his own people, but it was not the last. Edward II’s fate would be shared by his great-grandson, Richard II, who was well aware that a dangerous precedent had been set. Indeed, Richard’s cognisance of the events of 1327 and his attempts to prevent them from being repeated proved utterly counterproductive.

Volume II charts European urbanism between 700 and 1850, the millennium during which Europe became the world’s most urbanised region. Featuring thirty-six chapters from leading scholars working on all the major linguistic areas of Europe, the volume offers a state-of-the-art survey that explores and explains this transformation, how similar or different such processes were across Europe, and how far it is possible to discern traits that characterise European urbanism in this period. The first half of the volume offers overviews on the urban history of Mediterranean Europe, Atlantic and North Sea Europe, Central and Eastern Europe, and European urbanisms around the world. The second half explores major themes, from the conceptualisation of cities and their material fabric to continuities and changes in the social, political, economic, religious and cultural histories of cities and towns.

The ‘Blockade’ of Leningrad lasted from September 1941 to January 1944. It was one of the most tragic events of the war, especially with the mass starvation of the early months of 1942. Leningrad had been exposed to attack from the west, due to the Red Army’s rapid collapse in the recently annexed Baltic states, and it was potentially threatened by a Finnish attack from the north. The ability of the Russian forces to hold the city was based on other geographical and political factors, including the enemy’s inability to block Lake Ladoga to the east and the unwillingness of the Finnish government to take part. Starvation was the main weapon; the Germans bombarded Leningrad with artillery and aircraft with only limited effect, and little fighting took place inside the city itself. However, once the Germans had achieved their position near Leningrad from the south, it was difficult for the Red Army to mount successful counterattacks from the ‘mainland’, or from within the encircled city. Fortunately, after winter 1941–1942 the Germans were committed to other parts of the Russian front and there was little likelihood Leningrad would fall, but fighting in the surrounding countryside would be deadly for many months. The final end of the blockade came in January 1944, remarkably late in the war.