This chapter is concerned with multiwinner elections, an emerging topic in the area of computational social choice. Much of the classic literature in social choice theory deals with functions that map ordinal preferences over candidates to a winning candidate or perhaps a ranking of the candidates. The goal of multiwinner elections is to select a fixed-size set of candidates: a committee. This gives rise to new rules as well as new axioms. The chapter focuses on the case of approval-based preferences and axioms capturing the idea of proportional representation.

In a time of great contest and confusion over the future of democracy as a governing principle, the example of Abraham Lincoln continues to provide encouragement and direction about democracy’s viability in the face of immense challenges. In The Political Writings of Abraham Lincoln, Allen Guelzo brings into one volume Lincoln’s most famous political documents and speeches from his earliest days as a political candidate under the banner of the Whig Party, to his election and service as the first anti-slavery Republican president, from 1861 to 1865, and the nation’s leader in the fiery trial of civil war. While many anthologies of Lincoln’s political documents routinely concentrate on his presidential years or only on his anti-slavery writings, Guelzo concentrates on documents from Lincoln’s earliest political activity as an Illinois state legislator in the 1830s up through his presidency. The result is an accessible resource for students, researchers, and general readers.

In a time of great contest and confusion over the future of democracy as a governing principle, the example of Abraham Lincoln continues to provide encouragement and direction about democracy’s viability in the face of immense challenges. In The Political Writings of Abraham Lincoln, Allen Guelzo brings into one volume Lincoln’s most famous political documents and speeches from his earliest days as a political candidate under the banner of the Whig Party, to his election and service as the first anti-slavery Republican president, from 1861 to 1865, and the nation’s leader in the fiery trial of civil war. While many anthologies of Lincoln’s political documents routinely concentrate on his presidential years or only on his anti-slavery writings, Guelzo concentrates on documents from Lincoln’s earliest political activity as an Illinois state legislator in the 1830s up through his presidency. The result is an accessible resource for students, researchers, and general readers.

Chapter 6 examines the late homesteading that took place after 1890. This latter period was the largest in terms of acres and number of homestead patents.

Fiction writing in the Hausa language started in the colonial period, and continued in the post-independence period with most novels written by men. The 1980s marked a watershed moment for Hausa literature with the emergence of new female writers. Popular Hausa fiction, known as Kano Market Literature soon followed, taking the form of print novellas often divided into numbered parts dealing with a variety of themes, including love, polygamy, and socioeconomic challenges. Subsequently, writers’ clubs were established as were radio programs devoted to serialization of Hausa novels. The emergence of the internet in the late 1990s further transformed Hausa fiction. Digital technology and social media platforms, such as Facebook, WhatsApp, and Wattpad, made it possible to share fiction, and websites dedicated to buying and/or borrowing fiction sprang up. This chapter traces the emergence and development of Hausa literature by assessing the political economy of production, distribution, and consumption through new forms of distribution via the radio and the internet. The use of various technologies for disseminating Hausa literature calls into question the assumption that Hausa fiction can survive only in print form.

In a time of great contest and confusion over the future of democracy as a governing principle, the example of Abraham Lincoln continues to provide encouragement and direction about democracy’s viability in the face of immense challenges. In The Political Writings of Abraham Lincoln, Allen Guelzo brings into one volume Lincoln’s most famous political documents and speeches from his earliest days as a political candidate under the banner of the Whig Party, to his election and service as the first anti-slavery Republican president, from 1861 to 1865, and the nation’s leader in the fiery trial of civil war. While many anthologies of Lincoln’s political documents routinely concentrate on his presidential years or only on his anti-slavery writings, Guelzo concentrates on documents from Lincoln’s earliest political activity as an Illinois state legislator in the 1830s up through his presidency. The result is an accessible resource for students, researchers, and general readers.

In a time of great contest and confusion over the future of democracy as a governing principle, the example of Abraham Lincoln continues to provide encouragement and direction about democracy’s viability in the face of immense challenges. In The Political Writings of Abraham Lincoln, Allen Guelzo brings into one volume Lincoln’s most famous political documents and speeches from his earliest days as a political candidate under the banner of the Whig Party, to his election and service as the first anti-slavery Republican president, from 1861 to 1865, and the nation’s leader in the fiery trial of civil war. While many anthologies of Lincoln’s political documents routinely concentrate on his presidential years or only on his anti-slavery writings, Guelzo concentrates on documents from Lincoln’s earliest political activity as an Illinois state legislator in the 1830s up through his presidency. The result is an accessible resource for students, researchers, and general readers.

The book concludes with a seemingly paradoxical set of beliefs about shared reading: on one hand, the belief that knowing what and how somebody reads grants privileged insight into that person’s inner self; and on the other hand, the view that the inescapably private aspect of reading means the attempt to share a book runs up against the separateness and unknowability of your fellow reader. The apparent lack of sharing in any scene of shared reading argues for a revised understanding of sympathy. This sympathy doesn’t claim to know or identify with another reader’s thoughts and feelings directly but rather embraces gaps in understanding for the recognition they provide of the indirect, imaginary, and interpretative basis of what we count as shared experience. Finally, these scenes offer a way of thinking about the relations between reader and text, and between one reader and another, that extends to current literary criticism.

In a time of great contest and confusion over the future of democracy as a governing principle, the example of Abraham Lincoln continues to provide encouragement and direction about democracy’s viability in the face of immense challenges. In The Political Writings of Abraham Lincoln, Allen Guelzo brings into one volume Lincoln’s most famous political documents and speeches from his earliest days as a political candidate under the banner of the Whig Party, to his election and service as the first anti-slavery Republican president, from 1861 to 1865, and the nation’s leader in the fiery trial of civil war. While many anthologies of Lincoln’s political documents routinely concentrate on his presidential years or only on his anti-slavery writings, Guelzo concentrates on documents from Lincoln’s earliest political activity as an Illinois state legislator in the 1830s up through his presidency. The result is an accessible resource for students, researchers, and general readers.

This is the conclusion of the book. It reiterates my argument that in literature, risk is a necessary and creative force, an aesthetic category before anything else. It ends by proposing Franco–East Asian literatures as one form of world literature, one that is based on the aesthetic experience offered by particular texts, the potential for critical interactions between them and the imaginative comparison of literary traditions and areas that have traditionally been seen as separate.

In this chapter, I argue that the first book of the Parts of Animals (PA) expresses a form of realism about animal species. While the claim that Aristotle was a realist about species may seem obvious to those coming to the PA from the Metaphysics, the current view among specialists is that Aristotle’s zoology was not working with a concept of species. Some have even gone so far as to avoid translating eidos as “species” throughout his zoological writings. In contrast to this, I argue: first, that indivisible species constitute the ousiai of Aristotle’s zoology; and, second, that the aim of Aristotelian zoological division is to identify and organize the features specified in the definition of those species. The latter (epistemological) claim is explicit in the discussion of division in PA I 2–3, while the former (ontological) claim is advanced in PA I 4.

Our aim for this book is, in one sense, modest. We do not attempt to address pressing contemporary problems involving, for example, climate change, new technology, or growing inequality. Nor do we seek to adjudicate challenges to market society stemming from resurgent forms of authoritarianism and a growing disillusionment with capitalism. Instead, we have merely sought to articulate the implicit morality of market society in a more extensive manner.

The Left has long critiqued charity’s role in the alleviation of poverty. In the immediate post-war years, the Labour Party’s position was strongly influenced by Harold Wilson who was closely associated with War on Want, the ‘labour movement’s charity’. As Prime Minister, he brought into office an attitude that saw the real solution to the relief of poverty abroad to be state planning and the massive coordination of all local and national efforts through international government. The Ministry for Overseas Development, launched in 1965, looked to the UN agencies, to technical assistance programmes, to the creation of an International Development Agency. Yet within a few years, the ministers recognised that the humanitarian charities had a positive role to play. The Labour Party embraced charity as an ‘alternative’ provider of aid, initiating the Joint Funding Scheme in 1975 in which official funds were channelled through the charities. The Labour government embraced charity as a partner in development, helping to rethink state and voluntary sector relations more generally, and well before more ideologically driven pressures were placed on the social democratic welfare state.

Shortly after Geoffrey of Monmouth completed Historia regum Britanniae, abbreviated adaptations began to appear in chronicles. Not many Continental chroniclers, outside of Brittany and Spain, considered it historically valid, but short accounts about Arthur appeared in Continental universal chronicles. In Britain, it was adapted into Anglo-Norman and English by Wace and Laʒamon, and abbreviated versions appeared as the introductory sections of chronicles that told of pre- and post-Conquest Britain. This context gave it historical authenticity. From the time of Edward I, Arthur began to be considered English rather than British since the part of Britain he lived in was Logres, which corresponded to England.  Arthur’s subjugation of Scotland in HRB appeared to justify English attempts to conquer Scotland and caused many Scottish chroniclers to develop their own version of the story in which the true heir to the throne was Arthur’s nephew, the Scot Modred.

Climate change represents both a physical and spiritual challenge to humanity in the twenty-first century. Facing the realities of climate change and environmental destruction requires our best political and scientific thinking as well as an attitude capable of confronting the bleak uncertainty that arises in this task. This chapter argues that the philosophy of William James offers a unique conceptual approach to this contemporary predicament. It brings together several distinct threads of James’s philosophy – radical empiricism, “the will to believe,” and pluralism – with contemporary analysis of climate change to describe ways of living with the real uncertainty of the Anthropocene without that knowledge becoming an excuse for inaction and fear. In the end, James’s philosophy offers a powerful lesson to us today: It teaches us to accept the world as we experience it – scary and troubling as that might be – but to find in that acceptance the possibilities of change.

In this chapter, Jane Thrailkill aligns the instructive aims and literary effects of Jamesian style to underline the broader pedagogical purpose of literary criticism. Her reading of The Principles of Psychology analyzes what she describes as James’s “troping devices,” special literary tools intended to catalyze in his audience a process of “experiential, tactile, sensory education.” In this key early work, Thrailkill argues, James’s stylistic play seeks to “capture the mind in action” – to make the text itself into the kind of experience from which we learn, rather than a static description of that experience. As this essay establishes, James’s experiments in thinking and writing are everywhere motivated by his commitment to pedagogy, combined with his knowledge of how learning actually occurs.

This chapter explores the origins, nature, and persistence of Cold War liberalism in U.S. foreign policy in the Middle East by analyzing the writings and policies of U.S. Secretary of State John Foster Dulles (1953–59). Dulles was both a pivotal and archetypal figure in the history of U.S.–Middle East relations. The chapter posits three pillars of Cold War liberalism that, with some variation, have undergirded U.S. foreign policy in the Middle East since Dulles’ tenure. First, the United States is preoccupied with the establishment of a global order predicated on a preponderance of American power. This is not a “rules-based” order but rather one upheld by security alliances constructed to advance America’s perceived interests, often in defiance of international laws or norms. Second, Cold War liberalism’s raison d’être is couched in and sometimes shaped by discourses of freedom and self-determination. Third, rhetorical commitments to promoting democracy notwithstanding, Cold War liberalism fuels skepticism, even hostility, toward genuine expressions of democracy and mass politics in the Middle East. Finally, the chapter argues that Cold War liberalism in the Middle East is not limited chronologically to the Cold War. All three pillars have Wilsonian antecedents and continue to shape US–Middle East relations.