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This paper argues that control relations are primarily characterized in terms of thematic relations. The notion Primary Location, defined on the basis of thematic structures, is shown to be crucially necessary for thematically determined cases of control. It is also shown that thematically determined control has a set of properties which are not possessed by cases of control which cannot be determined thematically, and that most of them are derived from the properties of thematic relations. Further, a locality principle of control is proposed here, based on the notion Thematic Domain; and it is shown that thematic control requires the presence of a Primary Location within this local domain.
The relationship of morphological structure to syntactic functions has received much recent attention (e.g. Anderson 1982, McCloskey & Hale 1984, Stump 1984, Sadock 1985, Bresnan & Mchombo 1987). The behavior of possessive suffixes (Px's) in Finnish sheds light on this issue. These are important syntactically; yet phonological, morphological, and semantic evidence shows them to be suffixes rather than clitics (i.e. elements found on words but not placed there exclusively by the morphology). They stand in striking contrast to the Finnish clitics, which by similar evidence must be word-external. The contrast is interpreted as a consequence of the integrity of the morphological word. To violate this integrity in analysing elements like the Finnish possessive suffixes would gravely weaken linguistic theory.
A new model of intonational phonology is here developed, based primarily on the ‘tone sequence’ approaches of Bruce & Gårding 1978 and Pierrehumbert 1980. As in those works, contours are seen as sequences of pitch accents composed of high and low tones. Unlike those works, this model uses cross-classifying features to represent the scaling (height) of tones, and the alignment of tones in time relative to their associated syllables. This form of representation permits both the specification of phonetic detail and the formulation of phonological generalizations. Three features—[delayed peak], [down-step], and [raised peak]—are introduced; to illustrate the type of description they make possible, largely familiar data from English, Dutch, Hungarian, and Rumanian are re-analysed in these terms.