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Two syntactic processes in Japanese and English which involve deep-structure binding of pronouns, namely relativization and thematization, can interfere with the operation of later cyclic or postcyclic rules of pronominalization in a relationship we refer to as ‘anaphoric bleeding’. This shows that the anaphoric relations which hold between NP's within a clause are not only a result of the internal syntactic structure of the clause, but also the result of the external grammatical function of the clause as a whole within the larger containing sentence. We show, furthermore, that some phenomena associated with deep-structure binding invalidate the approach to relativization inherent in Perlmutter's ‘shadow pronoun’ hypothesis and Schachter's ‘promotion’ theory.
A morphological peculiarity of Hua, a language of Papua New Guinea, is that object and possessive pronouns with a certain class of verbal and nominal roots are infixed rather than prefixed. This is shown to result from a combination of two reinterpretations, Watkins' Law and the analytic leap, both identifiable as instances of abductive reasoning. The Hua example is particularly instructive in showing how a change from prefixation to infixation, essentially a morpheme metathesis, could have occurred gradually, and in suggesting a systematic source of counter-examples to the putative universal that the order of morphemes in a word is fixed.
The mechanism of reinterpretation can, then, be described ; but functional explanations that have been proposed are only descriptions of tendencies—exceptions to which, though frequent, are unpredictable. The necessary motives of reinterpretation remain unknown.
Noun incorporation is perhaps the most nearly syntactic of all morphological processes. Examination of the phenomenon across a large number of geographically and genetically diverse languages indicates that, where syntax and morphology diverge, incorporation is a solidly morphological device that derives lexical items, not sentences. It is used for four different but related purposes; these fall into an implicational hierarchy which in turn suggests a path along which incorporation develops historically. Differences in its productivity from language to language show that this development may be arrested at any point—resulting either in the eventual disappearance of the process, or in its resurgence as a productive system of affixation.