This paper juxtaposes the expectations of event managers and sports event volunteers in a case study organisation. These are understood within the theoretical framework of the psychological contract. Results show the distinctive contribution volunteers can make to events but also the distinctive challenges they present to event managers. For event managers, volunteers bring: enthusiasm, a good relationship and empathy with the public, and they provide a cheaper labour force. But a major concern is ensuring their reliability. For volunteers, important expectations include: flexibility of engagement, the quality of personal relationships, recognition for their contribution, and a clear communication of what they are expected to do. The juxtaposition of event manager and volunteer perspectives illustrates the need for a different approach to managing volunteers in comparison to paid employees. This reflects both volunteers’ expectations and the recognition that they have greater autonomy; not being tied to a contract by financial rewards or a related career progression. More generally the results illustrate the use of the theoretical framework provided by the psychological contract but that in using this it is valuable to compare the perspectives of managers and volunteers, using a qualitative approach to understand this social relationship.

Mass communication is multi-dimensional. One often overlooked alternative medium of mass communication, when it is systematic and not random, is public art - murals, graffiti, wall painting and posters. The linking of art and politics has precedents in Basque culture. It is the thesis of this article that public art is an important factor in the political communication process in the Basque region, that Basque nationalists, especially radical Basques revolving around the ETA movement, have used public art as one source for increasing visibility, raising consciousness, and building a mass based movement. What is particular about Basque nationalism is that it is a cultural-political movement, a reawakening from a ‘culture of silence’ induced by the Franco regime. Today, public art is an accepted channel for communicating the gamut of socio-political issues relevant to the social conflict in the Basque homeland.

Chapter 4 of the Nonprofit Almanac concerns financial trends in private foundations and other non-profit organisations, reporting the sources and disposition of annual funds and several measures of organisational wealth. Like the rest of the volume, this chapter reports only financial measures of input and output use. This is regrettable, for the distinctive outputs of the sector are often undervalued at market prices (due to external benefits), and financial aggregates shed no light on the sector's impact on the distribution of income.

This article explores the sources of variation in state redistribution across 13 developed democracies over the period 1979–2000, drawing upon data from the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, the Luxembourg Income Study and the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems. The discussion begins with the median voter hypothesis, which predicts that the extent of state redistribution in a country will be positively related to the degree of pre‐government inequality. In seeking to extend the median voter approach, the article takes into account two additional variables: the level of electoral turnout and the degree to which turnout is skewed by income. The analysis confirms that pre‐government inequality is indeed positively related to state redistribution. However, the predictive power of the median voter approach is significantly improved when account is taken of the level of electoral turnout and the extent to which the turnout rate reflects an income skew – variables that are themselves related. The link between turnout and redistribution is especially strong for social transfers as opposed to taxes, and for the lower and middle, as opposed to the upper, part of the income spectrum.

The conventional wisdom concerning the choice between majoritarian electoral systems and proportional representation (PR) – and, more broadly, between majoritarian and consensus forms of democracy – is that there is a trade‐off: PR and consensus democracy provide more accurate representation and better minority representation, but majoritarianism provides more effective government. A comparative analysis of 18 older and well‐established democracies, most of which are European democracies, shows that PR and consensus democracy indeed give superior political representation, but that majoritarian systems do not perform better in maintaining public order and managing the economy, and hence that the over‐all performance of consensus democracy is superior. This conclusion should also be tested among the growing number of slightly newer non‐European democracies, which are already old enough to have proved their viability and can be studied over an extended period of time. If its validity is confirmed – and the evidence so far is very promising – it can have great practical significance for the future of democracy in the world.

This essay explores the possibilities and limits of partisan influence on public policy in democratic nations. It will be pointed out, that differences in party composition of government, in general, matter in public policy in constitutional democracy. However, the extent to which parties influence public policy is to a significant extent contingent upon the type of democracy and countermajoritarian institutional constraints of central state government. Large partisan effects typify majoritarian democracies and states, in which the legislature and the executive are ‘sovereign’. More complex and more difficult to identify is the partisan influence on public policy in consensus democracies and in states, in which the political-institutional circumstances allow for co-governance of the opposition party. Narrowly circumscribed is the room to manoeuvre available to incumbent parties above all in political systems which have been marked by countermajoritarian institutional pluralism or institutional ‘semi-sovereignty’. The article suggests, that it would be valuable if direct effects and interaction effects of the party composition of government and state structures featured more prominently in future research on comparative public policy.

Governments face the challenge of fostering the social economy in a context of economic crisis and austerity policies. Despite the high levels of institutional recognition for the considerable social and economic value added by the social economy (SE), government policies following this approach have been scarce during the latest economic recession. This article analyses the case of Spain, a country that has endured deep austerity policies and has a strong SE sector. Building on the SE approach that combines quantitative and qualitative data, this study examines the policies that promoted the SE during two periods: before and during the economic crisis. As a novel contribution, the study compares the political discourse with the policies implemented. The findings highlight a gap between the discourse and the policies implemented during the crisis, showing that the SE has not been prioritized by policymakers, and link that gap with the recent EU economic policy.

This article discusses the challenges of moving towards student-centredness in East-Central Europe through the example of Hungary’s subject-focused academic culture and the (re-)design of a political science research methods course at the University of Szeged for Spring 2012. Although countries participating in the Bologna Process undersigned the importance of student-centredness, few countries have actually yet moved in this direction. In addition, we know very little about how these instructional methods work outside the Western democratic context. I show that research into teaching is an important means to improve the process of education and that there are specific problems in transferring student-centredness into post-Communist higher education settings. Finally, I argue that knowing one’s teaching context is vital for planning student-centred courses effectively, which would be greatly fostered by experiencing other teaching contexts through early-career teacher exchanges. The European Commission has recently affirmed its commitment to staff exchanges, but such opportunities are only likely to be beneficial if they go beyond the current 6-week long exchange scheme that the Erasmus programme offers.

At a time of rapid social, political and economic change in Britain, voluntary and community groups are being encouraged to assume a more prominent role in general welfare provision. Accordingly, their ‘need to know’ has never been more acute. Yet the information environment of the voluntary sector is also in a state of flux and transition. Profound changes in the institutional world of information provision hold significant implications for the way voluntary and community groups seek and disseminate information. In this paper these structural changes are outlined and the findings presented of an extensive investigation into information needs and usage in the voluntary sector.

Although there has been a debate in the USA for more than two decades about competition policy and non-profit organisations, the debate has not yet had the same prominence in Europe. Only in the last few years, even in the USA, has anti-trust policy toward the sector been examined. The paper examines the position for two groups of competition issues in European Community law: first, the problem of the lawfulness of grant aid, given the rules against state subsidies distorting competition; and second, the application of the rules for competition in the single market including EC anti-trust law. Particular legal problems are identified for non-profits which use geographical catchment area agreements with similar organisations. Finally, the paper examines a range of policy issues which arise on consideration of Community law, including the idea of community development as a locally autarchic objective, the terms of competition for grants and contracts, and the possible implications of the future application of European competition law to non-profits in the Community.

The regulation and supervision of financial services in the European Union (EU) has undergone major reform between 1999 and 2004. This policy evolution is theoretically interesting, raising the question of which conceptual approaches better explain it, and it is also empirically relevant because it is an area of intense EU activity. This article provides a theoretically informed and empirically grounded explanation of the policy reform by evaluating the analytical leverage of three integration theories, mainly by relying on two methods – process tracing and congruence procedure – employing a variety of primary and secondary sources. It is argued that sequencing different theoretical approaches –interdependence, supranational governance and liberal intergovernmentalism– explains the various stages of the policy‐making process – namely, background‐setting, agenda‐setting and decision making, as well as the main features of the outcome.

Following the Sasanian conquest of Bactria-Tukhāristān in the third century CE, Kushan cultic traditions centred on the veneration of anthropomorphic divine images continued to thrive under the new Persian rulers. Rather than imposing aniconic Zoroastrian practices, the Sasanians actively patronised local religious customs, commissioning statues of Persian deities such as Anāhitā while incorporating Bactrian gods into their visual and ritual repertoire. Numismatic and architectural evidence reflects this synthesis: Kushano-Sasanian coinage preserves the Kushan pantheon, with deities depicted in novel forms, including enthroned figures and busts emerging from fire altars, while temples at Surkh Kotal and Dilberjin combined divine statues with the veneration of the sacred fire. The coexistence of Bactrian and Middle Persian in inscriptions suggests a broader process of cultural adaptation. The persistence of these practices under subsequent Hunnic rule, and their later diffusion into Sogdiana, demonstrates their long-term impact on the religious landscape of Central Asia. The Kushano-Sasanian period thus marks the emergence of a distinctive cultic tradition, shaped by the cultic fusion, which continued to influence the region long after the decline of Sasanian rule.

Starting from the first ‘Women in Politics’ workshop, Berlin 1977, the article looks at the development of this new research field within the framework of the ECPR. From a young gender blind political science in the 1950–1970s until today's situation, where papers applying a gender perspective are presented in almost every ECPR workshop, and as many as 300 scholars participated in the First European Conference on Gender and Politics’, organised by the ECPR Standing Group on ‘Women/Gender and Politics’. The article scrutinises the discussion about ‘the male oligarchs of the ECPR’ and the accusation of ‘separatism’.