Resettlement programmes are considered one solution to displacement following the so-called refugee crisis. Private or community-based sponsorship models enable volunteer groups to take responsibility resettling refugees. The UK Community Sponsorship scheme (CS) allows volunteer groups to support refugee families in their community. This paper explores the role of emotions in CS using Jaspers three-stage social action life cycle (1998) drawing upon Doidge and Sandri’s (Br J Sociol 70: 463–480, 2018) positive and negative emotions, Jaspers (Sociol Forum 13: 397–424, 1998) reactive and affective continuum and Hoggett and Miller’s (Community Dev J 35: 352–364, 2000) individual/group features to explore the role of emotions in CS work. Using interview data collected from 123 interviews with 22 sponsorship groups, we find across the life cycle that there is a shift from negative reactive emotions during group initiation to positive affective emotions during consolidation and finally a mix of negative and positive affective emotions as groups become sustained. Understanding the role of emotions in motivating and sustaining volunteers is essential to the success of the CS, to encourage group formation and reduce burnout.

Guided by organizational and social movement theories, this study compares the structures, resource bases, ideologies, and strategies of nongovernmental organizations engaged in peace and conflict resolution (P/CROs) in three regions with extended violent conflicts: Northern Ireland, South Africa, and Israel/Palestine. Qualitative content analysis techniques are used to analyze 27 detailed case reports. We analyze the funding patterns and structural attributes of the P/CROs in our sample, with particular attention to how they obtain fiscal resources and membership in spite of the risks they may experience. We then explore the degree of formalization among P/CROs over time and, finally, we examine the ideological frames that P/CROs use and how these frames relate to their tactics. Throughout the analysis we pay attention to how the political context of each region influences P/CRO behavior.

Activities in civil society, seen as the sphere of society in which voluntary associations are dominant, are considered an important source of civility in modern society. By interacting and finding solutions for common problems, members of associations turn into citizens with a broader perspective and interest in the common good. The evidence for these positive roles is at best mixed, however. Not voluntarily associating in a separate sphere of civil society, but combining associational with public and commercial modes of social coordination, appears to offer a more promising option for civilizing modern society. Examples of hybridity are discussed. The paper concludes with a plea for a clearer recognition in social research of civicness as a normative perspective.

What can explain the strong euroscepticism of radical parties of both the right and the left? This article argues that the answer lies in the paradoxical role of nationalism as a central element in both party families, motivating opposition towards European integration. Conventionally, the link between nationalism and euroscepticism is understood solely as a prerogative of radical right‐wing parties, whereas radical left‐wing euroscepticism is associated with opposition to the neoliberal character of the European Union. This article contests this view. It argues that nationalism cuts across party lines and constitutes the common denominator of both radical right‐wing and radical left‐wing euroscepticism. It adopts a mixed‐methods approach, combining intensive case study analysis with quantitative analysis of party manifestos. First, it traces the link between nationalism and euroscepticism in Greece and France in order to demonstrate the internal validity of the argument. It then undertakes a cross‐country statistical estimation to assess the external validity of the argument and its generalisability across Europe.

The article argues that in Denmark during the past 150 years, moral elites have been central in settling paradoxes within social policy by developing ‘classifications’ of citizens and sectors: who are deserving of help and what sector (public or third) should provide care. Contrary to widely held beliefs, historically, there is no logical or practical connection between ‘more deserving’ and ‘state support’. Theoretically, the article integrates elite scholarship and cultural sociology in developing a concept of moral elites’ power from—their sources of moral authority—and power to, the way that they have used their power to classify citizens and sectors. Empirically, the Danish moral elite and its involvement in social policy are analyzed based on secondary as well as primary historical sources. Findings: The development of the Danish moral elite has roots in the administrators of the nineteenth-century absolutist state: the clergy, medical doctors, and lawyers. Educational resources and state affiliation continue to be central to moral elite status. Economists have ascended to the top of the moral elite, while clergymen have dropped out. Three major classifications were developed during the period. ‘Help to self-help’ (late nineteenth century): deserving poor should receive help from private charity, while the public system should deter and discipline. ‘Rights’ (mid-twentieth century): the state should care for all, philanthropy mostly considered stigmatizing. ‘Workfare’ (late twentieth century to present): citizens are considered deserving as long as they are ‘active’, and sectors are considered equal in providing for citizens as long as they reach the economistic goal of activation.

The subject of this article is the state of the discipline of International Relations (IR) in Poland. In the communist era, IR was an arena of ideological confrontation. The political science approach was based on Marxist ideology. The transformation after 1989 can be described as a transition from real socialism to common sense realism, and hence an approach that is practical, but lacking in more far-reaching theoretical reflection. The closure of this gap is inevitably a slow process. However, it has been possible to sense some creative spirit within the discipline recently, as is attested by the publication of a series of major works by Polish and foreign authors, initiating a debate on the condition of IR and the establishment of the Polish International Studies Association. However, the state of the discipline in Poland will require a raising of the level of teaching at Polish universities, not least through a fuller account being taken of research methodologies and theories.

In keeping with practices elsewhere in Europe, Higher Education Institutes (HEIs) in Ireland have in recent decades adopted access policies for non-traditional students (not recent school leavers). This paper assesses a particular initiative to facilitate access to HEIs to non-traditional students. However, due to the initiative's origins as a non-accredited certificate for asylum seekers and refugees, specific attention will be paid to the immigrant community. This paper assesses the details of a new programme in Irish politics and political leadership for non-traditional students in Ireland. It will present the curriculum and document the teaching strategies that were selected while exploring the role for universities and political science departments, in particular in facilitating integration. Student-centred learning provides the overarching framework for the curriculum. Three teaching approaches – KWL, service learning, and enquiry- or problem-based learning – have been selected as the pedagogical underpinnings of this Certificate programme. The paper explores all three approaches and provides examples of how these will be employed. Finally, this paper concludes with a discussion of how the programme could be adapted in other jurisdictions and its uses in integrating citizens from new communities across European democracies.

Recent theoretical arguments hold that the institutional setting of a political system influences coalition formation. Empirical analyses that confront these hypotheses have, however, been slow to emerge. We provide a first test of the relation between coalition formation and one element within this institutional setting: the existence of commitments not to join forces with certain ‘pariah’ parties (i.e., anti‐pact rules). Specifically, we study the effect of the ‘cordon sanitaire’ around the Flemish extreme right‐wing party Vlaams Blok over the period from 1976 to 2000. The results show that the refusal to coalesce with Vlaams Blok significantly affects the probability that ‘minimal winning’, ‘minimal number’ and ‘minimal size’ coalitions are formed.

The political structure of the European Union is experiencing a period of critical change, as leaders seek to address the twin problems of the ‘democratic deficit’ and institutional effectiveness in the Intergovernmental Conference. Problems of governance, already serious, have become more urgent, and will be further compounded by increasing EU powers and subsequent waves of European enlargement. The widely recognised danger is that the expansion of the European Union will be threatened by a growing crisis of democratic legitimation and of effective governance (Andersen & Eliassen 1996; Hayward 1995). All the articles in this special issue focus on the relationship between citizens and Members of the European Parliament. The aim is to examine the effectiveness of alternative channels of representation, and the way weak linkages contribute towards the democratic deficit within the Union.

While volunteering is an essential factor in service delivery in many societal areas, the inclusion of volunteers in formal settings can also lead to tensions. In this article, we combine the literature on volunteering and inter-professional collaboration (IPC) to elaborate a framework regarding remedies for tensions between professional staff and volunteers within IPC in health care provision to ensure successful collaboration. Using a dyadic survey design to interview volunteers and volunteer managers, we show that the perspectives of volunteers and volunteer managers on the antecedents of effective IPC differ in paradoxical ways. While volunteer managers apply organizational logic concerning tasks and processes to avoid tensions, volunteers seek solutions on a relational basis. However, rather than trying to resolve these paradoxes, our study indicates that carefully managing tensions arising between volunteers and professional staff may be more successful than trying to resolve all tensions.

The phenomenon of ETA derives from the interaction of two factors: Basque nationalism and Francoism. The fundamental elements of ETA, both ideological and strategical-political, were already well defined and developed in the Basque nationalism of the pre-war period, particularly in its intransigent and radical sector represented by Aberri and Jagi-Jagi groups. Later, ETA acquired characteristics of its own which separated it from the traditional nationalism. The regime of terror and repression imposed by Francoism exerted a fundamental influence on this state of affairs, inclining ETA definitively towards extremely radical and intransigent postures. In this way the activism of ETA arose. This activism should be understood as the sublimation of praxis to the detriment of theory, and the structure of ETA as an armed group and the adoption of a third world, anticolonialist-style guerrilla strategy.

Nonprofit alliances have grown with a striking speed in recent decades. While researchers focus on why nonprofits build interorganizational partnerships, few discuss how such partnerships are terminated. Through a multiple case study of 13 nonprofit alliances that had been established in response to the 2008 Sichuan earthquake in West China, this study explores how nonprofit alliances were terminated and what caused their termination. Four patterns of alliance termination emerged out of our data analysis: failure at birth, planned termination, failed transition, and evolution into independent organizations. Four determinants were identified as accountable for alliance termination: political pressure, resource shortage, short-term orientation, and leadership failure.

Since 1989/90 in the hitherto Soviet-dominated countries of Eastern Europe a fundamental systemic transformation has been taking place on several levels at the same time: the political system, the economic order, the social structure, but also on the level of the political consciousness of the society. Objective as well as subjective factors of political life are concerned, and this means that political culture, too, has been changing. Poland was probably the first country of the former Soviet-dominated bloc where empirical social science research had been implanted.

According to the basic psychological need theory, satisfaction and frustration of basic psychological needs are related to different psychological correlates. The present study aimed to test this tenet in volunteers for a national sport event using a person-centered approach. Specifically, the present study was undertaken to (a) identify the optimal number of need profiles and (b) to examine the associations between identified need profiles and potential correlates including work climate, intrinsic motivation, emotional exhaustion, and continuance intention. Data were collected from 924 volunteers (age range: 18–25 years) for a national sporting event. Results of latent profile analysis showed three need profiles, and the “High Satisfaction, Low Frustration” profile had higher levels of work climate and continuance intention, and a lower level of emotional exhaustion than the other two profiles. These findings enhance the understanding of the basic psychological needs and their relevance to psychological functioning in the context of sport volunteering.