Furthering the integration of fundamental discoveries from Part 1, Part 2 delves into the wider repercussions of these insights, exploring how the dual impact of fitness technology on motivation and social anxiety informs both user involvement and industry standards.

The primary research question driving this book is, How does fitness technolog y influence users’ physical self-concept and social physique anxiety in the context of regular fitness engagement?

This book aimed to explore the advantages of utilizing fitness apps and wearable devices for self-monitoring and goal-setting, as well as the possible psychological risks, particularly in terms of social comparison and body image-related anxiety.

The hypothesis posited that fitness technology could improve physical self-concept by fostering autonomy, competence, and relatedness, yet it might also elevate social physique anxiety by encouraging social comparison. Social Comparison Theory and Self-Determination Theory offer a dual framework for exploring this hypothesis: the former proposes that users’ body dissatisfaction and anxiety may increase through social comparison (Festinger, 1954), while the latter argues that intrinsic motivation and physical self-concept may improve as users achieve personalized fitness goals (Deci & Ryan, 1985; Ryan & Deci, 2020).

The results are consistent with the hypothesis, demonstrating that fitness technology has both empowering and harmful psychological impacts on users. Quantitative data indicated that elements promoting personal goalsetting and progress tracking improve physical self-concept (Marsh, 1996), often strengthening feelings of competence and satisfaction. Users expressed a sense of empowerment and motivation to maintain physical activity, supporting the constructive impact of feedback on improving physical self-perception (Codina et al., 2024).

Tracing the circumstances of the expedition that brought the Munduruku feathers to Vienna, and the ways in which they were recontextualised in the museums that received them, is the first step towards critically approaching the knowledge produced in these processes and perceiving its non-neutrality and non-objectivity. In this sense, the comparison with the voyage undertaken by Alexandre Rodrigues Ferreira less than 50 years earlier is useful to understand how the different political and economic needs of the Portuguese and Austrian empires led to the exploitation of the information gathered in discourses that, although both aimed at legitimising European colonial supremacy, differed in the ‘solution’ proposed to face the ‘problem’ that the Indigenous population posed to Western expansionism. This point will be made in the first part of this chapter, which will focus on the representation that Johann Natterer contributed to building on the Munduruku, while projecting his specific gaze onto their artefacts.

However, this is only one perspective, the bias and arbitrariness of which become even more apparent when the same objects are observed, narrated and used in the multiplicity of their meanings by representatives of the Munduruku people. The second part of this chapter aims to provide a glimpse of this perspective. I say a glimpse because the data I was able to collect in the field is only a fraction of the vast and complex knowledge surrounding Munduruku material culture. However, what I report is already sufficient to begin to appreciate the extent to which the imaginaries produced in the colonial and contemporary Indigenous contexts differ, and the implications of this difference for Munduruku's future existence.

In a foundational essay on Bombay Cinema, Mishra (1985: 133) positioned the classical Hindu epics, the Rāmāyaṇa and the Mahābhārata, as “the founders of Indian discursivity”. He argued that these epics, collectively, inform Indian cultural practices in a variety of ways. The argument has merit because moral codes, themes and narrative structures of these epics persist even when the films themselves are not epic in form. In films such as Kalyug [“The Dark Age”] (1981), Eklāvya [“The Royal Guard”] (2007), and Raajneeti [“Political Fray”] (2010), elements of these Indian epics are directly invoked. In other films – Dil Ek Mandir [“The Heart is a Temple”] (1963), Chhalia, Gumrah and even Awaara, for instance – their presence as a moral directive is obvious. Mishra writes about the Indian epics as an organizing principle without which Indian cultural practices generally cannot be fully understood. For him, the epics have a hegemonic presence in as much as they provide cinema with metaphysical and narrative codes that are regularly referenced in different ways. However, a crucial qualification must be advanced. In Hindi cinema, the epic underwent changes because it was adapted to the structural and emotive constraints of melodrama and song. Epic filmic techniques, such as the panoramic shot, wide vistas and so on, are present but not necessarily with the militaristic “temper” or the heroic “overreaching” that defines the form in Hollywood. Directors like D. W. Griffith (Birth of a Nation, 1915), David Lean (Lawrence of Arabia, 1962) and Joseph L. Mankiewicz (Cleopatra, 1963) among others are examples of directors who used a variety of filmic techniques including specific narrative and cinematographic devices to create a militaristic epic temper in their films.

No doubt these exemplary Hollywood epics along with many more influenced the form the epic genre took in Hindi cinema. Their self-evident influence notwithstanding, the legacy of the Hollywood epic took a slightly different turn for two reasons. First, the foundational mode of the epic was not the epic genre as such but mythological representations embedded in it.

Commencing the final chapter, Part 1 of Chapter 10 integrates the fundamental understandings from preceding chapters, amalgamating the primary discoveries on the dual psychological effects of fitness technology. This portion of the book examines the evidence and theories previously discussed, offering a comprehensive analysis on how fitness technology impacts users’ psychological well-being. By grounding these reflections in Social Comparison Theory, Self-Determination Theory, and the Hierarchical Model of Physical Self-Concept, Part 1 establishes the groundwork for examining wider repercussions in Part 2.

Revisiting the Core Themes in Fitness Technology and Well-Being

In the course of this book, the research outcomes demonstrate the significant dual influence of fitness technology on the physical and psychological wellbeing of users (Codina et al., 2024). The advancement of fitness technology has revolutionized individual health routines by offering individuals resources for enhancing themselves, staying motivated, and monitoring progress. The utilization of fitness apps and wearable devices has resulted in a more robust physical self-perception, enhanced adherence to exercise schedules, and an increased feeling of accomplishment for numerous individuals. This form of positive feedback is consistent with the principles of Self-Determination Theory, emphasizing the significance of competence and autonomy in cultivating internal drive (Ryan & Deci, 2020).

List of Ikarians in Australia between 1897 and 1921

Following the examination of positive and negative effects, this chapter provides actionable approaches for users, fitness professionals, and developers to interact with fitness technology in a well-rounded way. The chapter highlights the importance of responsible usage and design practices to enhance benefits and reduce psychological risks, providing a framework to promote users’ mental well-being during their fitness endeavors.

Prior sections have shown that fitness technology can act as a motivator and also play a role in social physique anxiety, contingent upon usage and user traits (Codina et al., 2024). The dual influence of fitness technology highlights the significance of deliberate involvement for users striving to reach their fitness objectives and for experts and creators striving to establish settings that promote mental and physical health (Zartaloudi et al., 2023). This chapter provides practical strategies for users to maximize the benefits of fitness technology while reducing its associated risks. It further offers valuable information for fitness professionals seeking to effectively assist their clients and for developers aiming to craft user-centered, psychologically supportive designs.

The European Union (EU) has seven official institutions; they are listed in Article 13 of the Treaty on European Union (TEU) in the following order: the European Parliament, the European Council (heads of state or government), the Council of the European Union (national ministers; one for each area of responsibility), the European Commission, the Court of Justice of the European Union, the European Central Bank, and the Court of Auditors.

Of these seven, only two are explicitly intergovernmental, that is, forums whose attendees represent the position of their respective member state's executive, be they ambassadors, national ministers, or heads of state/government: these are the European Council and the Council of the European Union. Both of these member state institutions are located at the headquarters of the European Union in the Belgian capital, Brussels. I will be covering them in turn, for they have different functions and, crucially here, quite separate decisionmaking procedures.

The European Council

The European Council (EU acronym: EUCO) comprises the heads of state or government of the EU member states. The majority of them are heads of government (prime ministers). However, a few countries are headed by the head of state: France, Lithuania, and Romania have presidents. Only in Cyprus is the same person head of government and also head of state. Further, since the so-called Reform Treaty had been approved in 2009, the European Council is headed by a permanent president. His function is to build consensus among the member states on any given issue before it. However, he cannot vote in EUCO himself. He is approved for 2.5 years, which can be renewed once.