In the late-Romantic period of the early nineteenth century, folk collectors were often careful to attest to the authenticity of their materials; but these claims are frequently undermined by clear evidence of editorial intervention which, from a modern-day perspective, makes such collections problematic. The Grimms' Kinder- und Hausmärchen (Tales for Children and Household) of 1812–15 is perhaps the most famous example of how reshaping and refashioning may be imposed for a diversity of reasons, which may be moral, intellectual or spiritual in nature and implication. The character of such refashioning – a kind of metamorphosis – can in itself be interesting and revealing. In collections of materials relating to supernatural subjects, the work of transformation is especially suggestive. The memorialising impulse speaks of the desire to preserve a particular worldview, one which is inevitably endangered but still perceives the possibilities of the magical in the mundane. Moreover, the survival of belief, although ‘transformed’ by the process of collecting and printing, also attests to the survival of a culture.

In Scotland, the recording of what might be termed an ‘enchanted past’ shared with other European collecting practice of the period the desire to preserve aspects of traditional culture which were of both national and regional significance.

The anarchism of the late nineteenth century was a fluid political philosophy, encompassing diverse and sometimes contradictory solutions to the problem of civilisation. It inspired approaches ranging from the bloody terrorist outrage to neo-Romantic calls to get ‘back to the land’. Matters are further complicated by nomenclature. Those espousing broadly anarchistic ideas were not always comfortable with the label. William Morris represents one example of a socialist who publicly eschewed anarchism, yet held to many of its precepts. Morris believed in individuality and personal growth, but he could not sacrifice his faith in society and the common weal to a virulent rejection of civilisation in the abstract. Importantly, he argued this case without countenancing state socialism as an alternative. Morris was an enemy of legalism, but he believed in duties, manners and responsibilities. He proposed not the rejection of rules, but rather a rejection of rules as administered by institutions. Human nature was essentially good, but its virtues were prone to excess or misdirection; as Morris once explained, ‘Philip sober needs protection against Philip drunk, or he may chance to wake up from his booze in a nice mess’. This colourful image is supplemented by the generous and revealing entreaty, ‘Surely we all of us feel that there is a rascal or two in each of our skins besides the other or two who want to lead manly and honourable lives, and do we not want something to appeal to on behalf of those better selves of ours?’

As a young Prussian émigré from Königsberg (now Russian Kaliningrad), Johann Gottfried Herder (1744–1803) lived and worked among the prosperous Baltic German colonists and tradesmen of Riga, then the principal city of the Russian-ruled province of Livland. The Riga period from 1764 to 1769 is synonymous with the onset of Herder's career as a civil servant, Lutheran pastor adjunctus, and schoolmaster at the Cathedral (Domkirche) School; and these professional roles as a Russian citizen would later influence his programmes in historical and political philosophy. Marking the importance of the Riga years are Herder's first published works, from which a lifelong association with the local firm of Johann Friedrich Hartknoch (1740–1789) resulted. While initially surveying German literary aesthetics and criticism, Herder developed a formative interest in the origin and nature of language, and in particular the lesser-known attributes of oral poetry. With the conceptualisation of the ‘Volkslieder’ (Herder's neologism that is usually translated as ‘folk-songs’ or ‘traditional songs’), he brought to fruition a two-volume anthology of international examples, and among these he published Latvian ritual song texts. The lengthy Volkslieder project of the 1770s advanced Herder's thinking regarding the historical individuality and cultural worth of the common people, and in this respect it was a precursor of his later monumental historical treatises. One could further argue that the song texts and polemical commentaries of the Latvian and Estonian chapters of the Volkslieder were an outpouring of dissent that signalled Herder's opposition to the institution of serfdom.

Globalization and economic liberalization promised developing countries improved opportunities for capital investment and, in turn, accelerated economic development. These promises helped cultivate a rush across the developing world to create favorable conditions for capital investors. Increased inward capital flows did occur but frequently retreated rapidly, helped spark systemic volatility and, for many countries, ultimately resulted in a disappointing development record (Rodrik and Subramanian 2008). By the turn of the millennium, there emerged a strong sense that the interests of capital investors and national economic development could diverge and even oppose one another. Governments increasingly saw global capital markets as a potentially destructive force and sought ways to manage the perils of modern financial capitalism.

Today's enlarged, mobile and powerful global capital markets present policymakers with a tightrope. These markets can undermine development efforts as easily as they help, but there are many means by which governments can insulate their economies from these adverse effects. This chapter focuses on how governments can manage capital markets strains with a special focus on monetary policy. Strains occur when there is a rapid or sustained flight of resources from a national economy, which can create a range of policy problems when it occurs, including currency devaluation, inflation, government insolvency and bankruptcy epidemics. When a monetary system becomes especially unstable, it can hurt economic prosperity and, in extreme cases, undermine general political-economic order.

Integration Parliaments in Europe and Latin America

In the past decades, European efforts to build a strong supranational organization have been successful in many ways. Among other accomplishments, Europeans have implemented a monetary union and a supranational decision-making system. While in the “Old Continent” progresses in integration are often the target of criticism by both pro- and anti-Europe groups, on the other side of the Atlantic policymakers look at the European Union (EU) as an uncontested example of achievement. Since the first attempts to translate Latin American integration projects into institutions, the design of the EU has been more than a reference, serving as a source for institutional imitation.

It has been said that the empowerment of the European Parliament (EP) over the years would not have been possible had the founding members of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) not included a parliamentary institution in the European institutional structure in the first place (Rittberger 2005, 73). While this is true, evidence from integration parliaments in Latin America show that integration parliaments (IPs) can have very different fates after their creation: not only can they be empowered, they can also stagnate or even lose some of their initial powers. Even though the creators of Latin American IPs have attempted to follow the European model, the overwhelming distance between the actual functioning and the accomplishments of these different organizations is remarkable.

David Held and Andrew McGrew, in a widely accepted definition, refer to globalization as “the historical process which transforms the spatial organisations of spatial relations and transactions, generating transcontinental or interregional networks of communication.” One might distinguish between the economic dimension, made up by transnational and international corporations, and the cultural ideological sphere, embracing a market ideology and a consumerism ethic. This chapter is restricted to the economic dimension of global transformation of the countries of Eastern Europe and the former USSR, and comparisons are made with the advanced Western countries, Latin America and China. After outlining the role the state socialist countries played in the world system, I consider the place of the economies of the postsocialist countries in the world economy. The focus of this chapter is on the extent of economic globalization of countries and their economic corporations. Since 1989, important differences have developed between the postsocialist states with respect to economic penetration and exposure to the world market. Greater participation in the global economy is a characteristic of the Central European states and Estonia; whereas Russia has a hybrid social formation containing elements of state economic control, national capitalism and global capitalism. The outcomes have not fulfilled the expectations of those advocating entry into the world economy. There has been a decline in their relative economic and welfare positions, though some countries have fared worse than others.

Introduction

Since the beginning of the century, the tendency in Latin America has been that of extraordinary ideological turns followed by the reversing of the direction of public policies. Considering the degree of the metamorphosis going on in the states of the region, electoral victories of formulas that proclaimed (in a more or less clear way) their distance from the neoliberal ideology, have taken place in a fairly short period of time with renewed state intervention in the economy.

This turn has given new energy to the discussion of the new public agenda and the key components of the emerging development project being constructed by political scientists and economists. In other words, a new space for politics was opened up. The 1980s was a period of relative freedom for the governments of peripheral countries, given the deep fiscal crisis inherited after the debt crisis and the neoliberal ideological policies. The combination of the renowned Washington Consensus and fiscal constraints were key for governments to carry out a handbook of structural reforms forced, mostly, by short-term emergencies. In recent years, the process of reverting the countries' conditions to carry out their autonomous development pathways has been accelerated.

Introduction

This chapter will discuss how, despite two decades of democratic transformation, Estonia still faces massive statelessness. It will be argued that both social and political factors explain such a state of affairs. On the one hand, national integration remains a complicated issue for Estonian society, while on the other hand, there is strong path dependence in the way the issue of citizenship is framed in a still divided political landscape. The discussion will be based mostly on two datasets compiled by the author and his collaborators – a public opinion poll, conducted in spring 2008 and an in-depth interview study connected to the poll carried out in April 2008. The analysis will be divided into two sections: the first part will focus on the reasons of statelessness as the stateless persons themselves see it; the second part will discuss the relationship between citizenship status and socioeconomic as well as sociocultural adaptation among Estonian Russians, aiming to highlight broader structural obstacles to overcoming the statelessness status.

In the literature on Estonian ethnopolicy two diverse trends can be identified. One trend is based on the concept of nation building and holds that “the historical need to define the position of the Estonian nation concerning the position and future of the new Russian minority in the country has accelerated the transformation of Estonia from an ethnic nation (characterized by the historically dominant position of defensive nationalism) to a modern civic nation” (Lauristin and Heidmets 2002).

Introduction

The divergent paths of the diffusion of neoliberal reforms and the return of development agendas across countries in the last 30 years allow us to set aside the conventional view which states that there has been a tendency towards institutional convergence due to globalization, especially in its financial dimension. Thus, this chapter will explore which aspects of national path-dependency contribute to domestic narrow or expand the degree of freedom when it comes to adapting these globalization agendas to local scenarios. Given the centrality of monetary policy in Brazil, the state's role in creating an incentive structure capable of dealing with a more coordinated trajectory – like that identified by the concept of selective industrial policy (Chang 2003; Huber 2002) – is being delimited by a double-sided economic policy model. If, on one hand, floating exchange rate policies and the liberalization of capital flow restrict the sovereignty of the country for long-term planning, then on the other hand, the legacy of state capacities and the specific pattern of reform trajectory creates room for maneuvers in the formatting of public development policies.

In order to evaluate this process, this chapter combines a variety of theoretical perspectives that aim to comprehend the importance of the discourse produced in epistemic communities which was legitimized by the experience of indebtedness, rampant inflation in Latin America, and the normative coercion brought about by structural adjustment policies advocated by multilateral financial institutions.

Ecuador, Peru and Bolivia are the three countries with the largest relative and absolute indigenous population in South America. Along with Mexico and Guatemala, these countries concentrate the majority of “witness” peoples (as Brazilian anthropologist Darcy Ribeiro named them) throughout the American continent. Given the historical and cultural significance of these groups, examining how they live today and how they are willing to play an active role in the political arena of their countries is of the utmost importance.

In this chapter, I will focus on Bolivia, Ecuador, and Peru: the three Central Andean countries which share centuries of history, first as part of the Tawantinsuyu (Inca Empire), and afterwards as part of the same Spanish Viceroyalty before they became modern independent states in the nineteenth century.

After a brief summary of some basic facts concerning their indigenous population, this chapter will narrate the intertwined history of these countries with special emphasis on more recent developments, taking into account the impact of subsequent waves of globalization in their territories, resources and ways of life as well as the main proposals and also the achievements of these movements in relation to the political role of indigenous populations in the state.

Basic Data

The geographical backbone uniting these three countries together from north to south is the Andean mountain range, which centuries ago, was also the part of the domains of the Inca Empire (Tawantinsuyu), the capital of which was Cusco, in Peru.

For social, political and even geographical reasons, Portuguese Romanticism arrived late, especially when compared with that of Germany or Great Britain. As far as its literary aspect is concerned, Romanticism cannot be said to have existed in Portugal before 1825, the year in which J. B. de Almeida Garrett published Camões, a long narrative poem in ten cantos. The main romantic characteristic of this poem is the fact that it is not on a Greek or a Latin theme, but has instead a Portuguese sentimental theme: the adventurous and unhappy life of Camões, the Renaissance author considered to be the national poet of Portugal. Nevertheless, Garrett's Camões has both language and versification that are still strongly neoclassical and far removed from what is expected from a romantic poem.

The first thoroughly romantic work of Portuguese literature was published three years later, in 1828 – namely, Adozinda. This is a mid-sized poem (the original, octavo edition was 60 pages long), also written by Almeida Garrett, and it has a truly romantic feature: obeying Herder's theories, it takes folk literature as its model. In fact, not only is the story that the poem narrates based on a traditional ballad, but also the language used in it clearly differs from neoclassical style, and its versification is markedly influenced by Portuguese folk poetry, Adozinda being almost entirely written in lines of seven feet, the metre of most Portuguese oral poems.

Johann Gottfried Herder's contribution to the revival of folklore in Germany has been duly acknowledged in a body of scholarly literature. His intention to preserve and define the characteristics of a distinct cultural heritage was wide-ranging and influential, and, despite various attempts at misrepresentation, was eventually recognised as an effort impossible to limit to one national interest alone. Herder's trademark stance was to assert not only the notion but also the authority of folk identity, a concept he believed had both cultural and intellectual merit, and which he therefore championed as a cause worthy of proper intellectual investigation. His interest in folk matters exceeded the orderly parameters endorsed by convention by giving consideration to the vitality of the folk and by paying attention to the force of its presence – traits Herder believed could not be qualified or communicated in restrictive literary terms. In his interpretation of folk culture, Herder relentlessly insisted upon authenticity, demanding that folk topics be presented with a dignity and consistency that corresponded to the nature of the subject matter itself. He was especially weary of the mannered way in which folk material was customarily dealt with in conventional literature and doubtful of the latter's capacity to do such material justice. Though Herder's dissatisfaction with the literature of his time was a theme that would permeate much of his critical writing, it is a particularly prominent feature of his early readings of Ossian.

The trajectories of macroeconomic reforms and policies adopted in Central Eastern Europe (CEE) and South America (SA) have parallels that have been pointed out by the comparative political economy literature. There are countless approaches that emphasize influence of multilateral institutions such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), which include the effect of external shocks – for example the debt crisis and the collapse of communist regime, the construction of democratic institutions, the role of regional integration etc. Within this variety of approaches, the prevalent perception is that the legacies of authoritarianism and economic crises in the 1980s set the stage for the adoption of institutional reform experiences that would produce long-term effects as to the capacity to implement a development agenda in these countries.

Such is the case with the recent discussions on the characterization of varieties of capitalism in the wake of the seminal study by Hall and Soskice. This brand of literature takes up central arguments produced about the characterization and changes in the capitalist system in the 1970s and 1980s – a period of turbulences in the global scenario with the oil shocks, debt crises and stagflation. Many of the aspects pointed out in previous analyses dating from that period already signaled a drastic reconfiguration occurring in the center/periphery (or semi-periphery relations), in particular the undermining of the socialist bloc, the rise of East Asian Tigers and even the future emergence of China as a possible capitalist power (Wallerstein 2004; Frank 1969).