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In this and the following chapter we explore the importance of context for social work practice. Ife et al. suggest that context is vital because it impacts on how social workers understand the issues they are working with and how they will respond. Social work does not exist in a vacuum. Therefore, we focus on a number of powerful social forces that shape our social contexts. These consist of far-reaching (sometimes global) social structures and discourses. Social structures, as noted in Chapter 1, are the enduring social patterns, divisions and institutional arrangements that can give rise to inequality and harm. Discourses, on the other hand, are sets of ideas or language about a particular topic with shared meanings and assumptions that reflect and reinforce particular power relations. In other words, discourses are never neutral descriptions of reality, but actively justify certain asymmetric social structures; in turn, these structures promote discourses favourable to their maintenance.
This chapter will introduce you to some of the key formal social work theories that underpin practice. We begin with the individualistic and systems-based theories that originated in psychology and conservative sociology respectively. As was evident in Chapter 5 on the history of social work, these establishment theories generally dominated social work before the emergence of critical social work theories. We then shift our attention to the development of critical theories, such as Marxist, radical, structural, feminist and anti-oppressive perspectives that aim for social justice and autonomy, and discuss the more recent contribution of poststructural and queer theories to the evolution of critical theories and to critical social work. The newer critical theories developed out of critiques of the older establishment theories, so it is necessary to have some familiarity with the principles of both. Finally, we draw on research with our first-year students to demonstrate the application of theory in relation to a case study.
Rivers and their valleys have long been a source of contemplation and wonder. They are not only key geomorphic agents, but they are also economically important, acting as transportation arteries, sources of irrigation water and food, and as generators of hydropower. We also use rivers for drinking, waste disposal, and for a variety of recreational activities. Many geomorphologists consider running water to be the most dominant and important geomorphic process – shaping landscapes everywhere. Even in deserts, running water is often the most important and widespread geomorphic agent.
Most valleys have a stream or a river at their bottom. In ancient days, it was thought that water simply “found” its way into preexisting valleys, forming rivers there. Geomorphologists now know that most valleys were formed by the rivers currently within them, which moved sediment out and carved the valley over time.
This chapter first describes how we measure data, and how its creation has skyrocketed in recent years. We then define Big Data and psychology for the purposes of the book, and motivate why their intersection is important to study. The chapter ends with a guide to how to use the book, and brief summaries of the upcoming chapters.
Arches, hoodoos, buttes, mesas … these are the picturesque landforms that most tourists and landscape-lovers know about, and which are the focus of many parks and recreation areas. All of these landforms are bedrock-controlled, with rock at or immediately beneath the surface. This chapter introduces a wide array of bedrock-controlled landforms. Most have formed on sedimentary rock, the most common rock in Earth’s upper crust. Thus, much of the focus in this chapter will be on landforms developed on flat-lying bedrock strata (layers) that have experienced minimal tectonic disturbance throughout their history. Chapters 9 and 10 focus on bedrock-controlled landforms formed on much more tectonically active landscapes.
Weathering is central to geomorphology; without it, landforms would not exist. Weathering sculpts rocks and landscapes at all scales, from producing tiny pits on rock surfaces to forming large valleys. It is everywhere.
However, weathering does not work alone. Instead, it operates alongside other surficial processes to produce the landscapes we see around us. Weathering is often defined as the in situ (meaning “in position”) breakdown of rocks and minerals. It is distinct from erosion, which involves the removal and transport of material, usually downslope. Often, weathering preconditions rocks for erosion by making them weaker and less coherent. Together, weathering and erosion operate to form landforms via denudation – the overall lowering of the land surface.
The theory called the Standard Model represents the state of the art of our understanding of the physics of elementary particles and their interactions. It is, as explained in the following chapters, a gauge theory, that is, a theory in which the interactions among the matter constituents are determined by gauge invariance and carried by gauge bosons. Everything else in physics (except perhaps gravitational phenomena at very high energies), as well as everything in the Universe, from chemistry to biology, is but an application (admittedly, very convoluted in most cases) of this model.
G. K. Gilbert is considered one of the founders of modern geomorphology (see Chapter 2). In his 1877 report on the geology of the Henry Mountains of Utah, he wrote that (p. 109).
This chapter covers the problems with current norms in the participants we recruit for psychology experiments, and how to solve some of these problems by taking a Big Data approach. Specifically, many psychology experiments use very restricted and similar samples – such as American college students. However, this sample differs greatly from the global adult population, in many ways described here. The chapter then discusses how we can move toward more representative groups using Big Data, while also highlighting caveats that we will never be able to make a perfect sample, and sometimes we may want to intentionally restrict the people we recruit. The chapter finishes with a look at the big ethical questions surrounding participant recruitment, and discussion on imbalances in the demographics of psychology researchers themselves.
How old is the Grand Canyon? When did the glaciers last retreat from this area? How long does it take to form an inch of topsoil? When did the earthquake occur that formed these rock scarps? These are the questions that geomorphologists ponder. This chapter will outline the tools and approaches we use to answer such questions.
Establishing how old a landform might be, that is, when it formed, has always occupied the mindset of geomorphologists. If we know how OLD a landform is, then we can begin to understand how it is evolving, how fast it might be changing, and how it formed in the first place. Fortunately, various dating principles and techniques now exist to address these issues. These techniques require the ability to measure change in a system or a landform over time, with the (usual) goal of establishing the age of a sediment package or a landform.
Geomorphology is the study of landforms – their evolution, shape (morphology), and composition. The word comes from the Greek (geo, Earth, morphos, referring to form, and ology, a branch of knowledge). Landforms come in all types, shapes, sizes, compositions, and ages. There is a landform for everyone, and no two are exactly alike. Understanding Earth’s landforms – how they are formed, altered, destroyed, and/or buried by various geologic processes – is at the core of geomorphology. This textbook will teach you the language and concepts that will help you to understand the workings of many of Earth’s physical systems. Our goal is to equip you with the vocabulary and toolkit for understanding why Earth’s physical landscapes look the way they do. This knowledge will help us all to better manage our fragile natural resources.
In this chapter we explore concepts and practices related to diversity. This is a complex terrain to navigate as we are all ‘diverse.’ However, diversity (or our differences) have personal, social and political effects; many of which involve power and engender various forms of inequality, privilege and oppression. Critical social workers have been considering the ‘dilemma of difference’ for decades. In 1985, for example, Martha Minow observed that, rather than avoiding this dilemma, we should ‘immerse ourselves in it’, not necessarily to seek a final resolution, but to engage in a ‘more productive struggle’ for equitable processes and outcomes’. Challenging privilege and oppression is at the heart of critical social work and our journey is both personal and professional as we grapple with how to respectfully listen, learn and engage in mutual consciousness-raising across difference, while advocating for social and systemic change to address inequality.