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The Mental Health Bill, 2025, proposes to remove autism and learning disability from the scope of Section 3 of the Mental Health Act, 1983 (MHA). The present article represents a professional and carer consensus statement that raises concerns and identifies probable unintended consequences if this proposal becomes law. Our concerns relate to the lack of clear mandate for such proposals, conceptual inconsistency when considering other conditions that might give rise to a need for detention and the inconsistency in applying such changes to Part II of the MHA but not Part III. If the proposed changes become law, we anticipate that detentions would instead occur under the less safeguarded Deprivation of Liberty Safeguards framework, and that unmanaged risks will eventuate in behavioural consequences that will lead to more autistic people or those with a learning disability being sent to prison. Additionally, there is a concern that the proposed definitional breadth of autism and learning disability gives rise to a risk that people with other conditions may unintentionally be unable to be detained. We strongly urge the UK Parliament to amend this portion of the Bill prior to it becoming law.
Spaces of holomorphic functions have been a prominent theme in analysis since early in the twentieth century. Of interest to complex analysts, functional analysts, operator theorists and systems theorists, their study is now flourishing. This volume, an outgrowth of a 1995 program at the Mathematical Sciences Research Institute, contains expository articles by programme participants. Here researchers and graduate students will encounter Hardy spaces, Bergman spaces, Dirichlet spaces, Hankel and Toeplitz operators, and a sampling of the role these objects play in modern analysis.
Advancements in VLBI instrumentation, driven by the geodetic community’s goal of achieving positioning accuracy of 1 mm and stability of 0.1 mm/y, have led to the development of new broadband systems. Here, we assess the potential of these new capabilities for space weather monitoring. These enhanced VLBI capabilities were used to investigate interplanetary scintillation (IPS), a phenomenon caused by the scattering of radio waves due to density irregularities in the solar wind. Compact radio sources near the Sun were observed using the AuScope VLBI array in Australia, which consists of 12-m telescopes at Hobart, Katherine, and Yarragadee. The baseline lengths between these telescopes are approximately 3 400 km (Hobart–Katherine), 3 200 km (Hobart–Yarragadee), and 2 400 km (Katherine–Yarragadee). The observations covered solar elongations from 6.5$^\circ$ to 11.3$^\circ$ and frequencies between 3 and 13 GHz. The study focused on phase scintillation as an indicator of turbulence in the solar wind. As the solar elongation decreased, we observed an increase in the phase scintillation index, consistent with theoretical models. Importantly, the broadband system also detected IPS using relatively weak radio sources. Additionally, the phase scintillation increased with baseline length, in agreement with Kolmogorov turbulence with an index of 11/3. These findings demonstrate the effectiveness of geodetic broadband VLBI in capturing detailed features of the solar wind. This capability enables continuous space weather monitoring and advances our understanding of solar and interplanetary dynamics.
Hypereutrophic Grand Lake St Marys (GLSM) is a large (52 km2), shallow (mean depth ~ 1.5 m) reservoir in an agricultural watershed of western Ohio (USA). GLSM suffers from extensive cyanobacterial harmful algal blooms (cHABs) that persist much of the year, resulting in total microcystin concentrations that are often above safe contact levels. Over two summers (2020 and 2021), two phosphorus (P) binding agents (alum and lanthanum/bentonite clay Phoslock, respectively), in conjunction with a P-binding algaecide (SeClear) in 2021, were applied to a 3.24-ha enclosure to mitigate cHAB activity and create a ‘safe’ recreational space for the public. We evaluated these applications by comparing total phosphorus (TP), total microcystin, total chlorophyll, and phycocyanin concentrations within the enclosure and the adjacent lake. Some evidence for short-term reductions in TP, microcystin, chlorophyll, and phycocyanin concentrations were observed following each P binding treatment, but all parameters rapidly returned to or exceeded pre-application levels within 2–3 weeks after treatment. These results suggest that in-lake chemical treatments to mitigate cHABs are unlikely to provide long-lasting benefits in these semi-enclosed areas of large, shallow, hypereutrophic systems, and resources may be better applied toward reducing external nutrient loads (P and nitrogen) from the watershed.
We present a robust, five-locus phylogeny of the Megasporaceae and, based on this, propose several taxonomic innovations. The new genus Antidea is erected for Aspicilia brucei, which occupies a position near the base of the phylogeny, and the new species Aspicilia indeterminata and A. suavis are described from Montana. We also show that all North American (and some European) records of Aspilidea myrinii are misidentifications with many representing a second species in the genus, differing from A. myrinii by having elevated apothecia and narrower ascospores and for which we make the new combination Aspilidea subadunans. Finally, we make the new combinations Lobothallia determinata and L. peltastictoides, and report the lichenicolous fungus Sagediopsis aspiciliae (on A. subadunans) as new to North America.
At its inception, the Tea Party embraced a platform emphasizing fiscal restraint, lower taxes, exclusive patriotism, and criticism of the Obama administration. This framing occupied a nearly empty discursive space within conservative grassroots activism. It combined the efforts of an anti-tax, anti-spending message that had been cultivated by elite conservative groups with genuine grassroots activism aimed at undermining the Obama presidency. The resonance of such claims was in part responsible for the Tea Party’s early success. This chapter traces the evolution of Tea Party discourse between 2009 and 2018 using a unique sample of 91,874 blog posts written by leaders and activists. Over time, the Tea Party’s tightly coherent messaging began to erode as Obama was reelected and the economy slowly began to recover from the Great Recession. Soon, Tea Party activists began to follow along with the flow of the broader conservative dialogue, thereby blurring the clarity of the original Tea Party message. We refer to this process as discursive demobilization, which helped further hasten the Tea Party’s decline.
When fierce insurgencies such as the Tea Party emerge, they are often considered spontaneous and unpredictable. Over time, sudden bursts of social movement mobilization are typically traced to long arcs of activism that had finally come to fruition. Chapter 2 theoretically contextualizes the decades of conservative activism that ultimately gave rise to the Tea Party. To develop our theory of the Tea Party’s emergence, maturation, and decline we describe 1) the decades of elite-driven efforts to mobilize grievances among White Christians; and 2) the suddenly imposed facilitating conditions stemming from the Great Recession, and status threats linked to the election of Barack Obama. Together these factors produced the perfect interpretive moment that set the Tea Party in motion. To account for the Tea Party’s trajectory and ultimate decline, we focus on the role of its diffuse mobilizing structures, which minimized coordinated event planning and networking between chapters. Also, the hollowing out of American political parties allowed an insurgency like the Tea Party to make rapid inroads that ultimately shaped the Republican Party’s platform.
It has been widely assumed the Tea Party paved the way for Donald Trump’s electoral victory in 2016. Yet, little research has examined the transition from the Tea Party’s takeover of the Republican Party to Trump’s subsequent capture of the GOP. This chapter examines the Tea Party’s engagements with Donald Trump between 2009 and 2018. Tea Party activists initially admired Trump’s amplification of the birther conspiracy theory, which falsely claimed that Barack Obama was not a natural born citizen. However, activists dismissed or ridiculed Trump’s political ambitions. By 2013, activists had warmed to Trump’s positions on Islam and immigration, but still did not view him as a viable political candidate. After Trump won the 2016 election, there was a sea shift in tone, as the remaining Tea Party activists enthusiastically embraced his America First agenda. These observations are corroborated by an analysis of the impact that Tea Party activism had on the 2016 Republican primaries for president and the general election. Our analyses shows that Tea Party activism had little impact on helping Trump become President, consistent with the insurgency’s larger ambivalence about Trump’s candidacy.
Activists make important strategic decisions about how to build social movements, which are often linked to the individual biographies and political views of participants. This chapter focuses on those who supported the Tea Party, the activists who took part in collective action, and how the insurgency was organized. We begin by developing estimates of the number of Tea Party activists, concluding that between 140,000 and 310,000 citizens took part. Tea Party activists were atypically conservative, and self-identified as evangelical Christian compared to supporters and the general US population. The second section of the chapter analyzes the mobilizing structures created by the Tea Party, especially the national umbrella groups that emerged to sustain the insurgency, and the local chapters maintained by activists. The mobilizing structures adopted by the Tea Party greatly facilitated its rapid expansion, but individual groups were almost entirely independent. As a result, coordinated action became difficult to sustain over time. The thin mobilizing structures of the Tea Party we document in this chapter are crucial to understanding the insurgency’s rapid decline.
After its emergence in 2009, the Tea Party rapidly became a significant force in American politics. Yet, by 2014, multiple signs pointed to a significant decline in activism. What happened to the Tea Party? This chapter provides an overview of the Tea Party, its activities, and central actors, followed by a summary of our theoretical approach to understanding the movement. The chapter also details the main research questions and provides chapter summaries. The Tea Party is characterized as an insurgent social movement that was split across three main actors: elite conservative groups that facilitated the Tea Party’s emergence, grassroots activists who staged protests and founded local chapters, and Republican politicians who gave voice to the institutionalized faction of the movement.
On April 15, 2009, 1,022 Tax Day Tea Party rallies took place across the US. These rallies were transformative for the Tea Party and served to put the insurgency on the national stage. Soon after April 15, local Tea Party groups began appearing across the country. By the end of 2009, 743 local Tea Party chapters had come into existence. This chapter develops an explanatory account of the earliest wave of Tea Party protests and the early risers that followed. We emphasize the dual importance of material threats brought about by the Great Recession, and status threats linked to a perceived decline in social power among White conservative Christians. Our results show that the Tea Party was set in motion by powerful, well-resourced conservative groups. The groups honed the Tea Party’s message and built an online infrastructure allowing any potential activist to stage a rally or form a local Tea Party group. The grassroots expansion of the Tea Party took off and became the public face of the insurgency. Tea Party activism was most intense in communities with higher levels of both material threats and status threats.
Despite the initial high-profile burst of public protest in 2009, Tea Party activism declined quickly and never returned to its initial level or ferocity. At its peak, the insurgency turned out more than one million supporters at protests staged on April 15, 2010. This chapter utilizes a systematic sampling of 19,758 Tea Party gatherings between 2009 and 2014. We distinguish between protests, meetings, awareness events, and political events, and analyze the rise and rapid decline of the Tea Party’s patterns of local activism. The Tea Party quickly moved away from staging public protests, and instead, focused their efforts on hosting what we call maintenance events, especially monthly or biweekly chapter meetings. We link the swift decline of Tea Party protest to three factors. First, we emphasize the role of activist burnout and activist disillusionment with protest’s effectiveness. Second, we identify an astounding decline in media attention to Tea Party protests after 2009. Last, we highlight the widespread belief held by many Tea Party activists that the Internal Revenue Service had directly targeted local groups.
The Tea Party’s local chapter network played an essential role in the insurgency’s momentum, but almost no research has examined these groups beyond accounting for their emergence. This chapter focuses on the external factors related to Tea Party organization building and maintenance. Using web crawlers and newspaper data, we analyzed the trajectory of the 3,587 local Tea Party chapters that had collectively embodied the insurgency, emphasizing when chapters were formed, how long they survived, and when they stopped showing any signs of organized activity. Between 2011 and 2012 – the peak years of the Tea Party’s organized activity – more than 2,000 chapters were active. Beginning in 2012, chapters began to disappear. By the end of 2014, less than 10% of all Tea Party groups showed any signs of activity. The decline of local Tea Party groups is associated with lowering material threats as the economy slowly recovered from the Great Recession. At the same time, status threats help account for the persistence of Tea activism. The election of politicians affiliated with the Tea Party had little impact on local chapter survival.