Arabic sources written in the Mamluk Sultanate, in the territories controlled by the Mongols, and elsewhere play an important role in reconstructing the history of the Mongol world empire and its successor states and of their relations with nearby countries. While some of these sources have been known and used since the early nineteenth century, Arabic-language works have became more significant in the study of Mongol history in the last half-century or so, and especially in the last generation, with the proliferation of proper editions of many of these texts. This article surveys the large – but perhaps not fully appreciated – corpus of Arabic works related to Mongolian studies, in the following order: works written before the establishment of the Ilkhanate (c. 1260), those composed in the Mamluk Sultanate of Egypt and Syria, books originating in Arabic-speaking countries beyond the Mamluk Sultanate, and finally compositions from Mongol-controlled regions, mostly in the western Ilkhanate.

In the first half of the thirteenth century, Mongol forces launched raids into areas that are now parts of Iraq and Syria. Raids turned into conquest with Hülegü’s movement into the region in the mid-1250s. Baghdad was taken in 1258, and by spring 1260, much of Syria was overrun by Mongol forces. A small Mongol army, however, was defeated by the Mamluks from Egypt in northern Palestine later that year. After a clear border was established along the Euphrates, for sixty years the Mamluks and Ilkhanids struggled for regional supremacy in major battles, frontier warfare, and diplomatic démarches. Around 1320, this conflict ended after negotiations, with peace agreements in place until the breakup of the Ilkhanate after 1335. Although ultimately unsuccessful in conquering lands beyond Iraq, the impact of the Mongols on greater Syria, Egypt, and Arabia was significant, not only militarily, but in the realm of demography, culture, and economy.

This present chapter is part of an ongoing larger study on the history of Gaza and the surrounding countryside in the late Middle Ages, with an emphasis on the Mamluk period. My interest in late medieval Gaza was piqued while leafing through the then recently published Volume 4 of Moshe Sharon's Corpus Inscriptionum Arabicarum Palestinae (CIAP), which is largely devoted to Gaza City. I was struck by the large number of Mamluk-era inscriptions, almost seventy, which is similar to the quantity that we find in Jerusalem from the same period. The corpus of Mamluk epigraphy of Gaza is a little different from that of Jerusalem, mainly in the fact that many of the inscriptions in the former are devoted to a few important projects (particularly thirteen in the Great Mosque, originally a Crusader church), while in Jerusalem, the inscriptions are generally each devoted to one construction project.

This large corpus of extant Mamluk inscriptions in Gaza, early on the provincial capital for south-west Palestine, along with much of the coast, is clear evidence of large-scale patronage in the city by the military–political elite, hinting at not insignificant cultural and intellectual activity there. This impression has been confirmed by my subsequent researches into the quarter millennium of the city's history under the Mamluks, showing also demographic and economic prosperity throughout this period. This view has been further strengthened by the examination of the history of the city's agricultural hinterland, where a few interesting Mamluk (and Ayyubid; see below) inscriptions have been found, and we can also postulate a thriving rural sector. In short, Gaza and its environs under the Mamluks seem to have been a vibrant place in many respects.

While some important preliminary studies on Mamluk-era Gaza and its immediate hinterland have been published, notably by ‘Ata Allah and Sadek, we lack a comprehensive and up-to-date monographic study. It is thus with some relish that I have embarked on my own study of Mamlukera Gaza. To this end, one must look back over the earlier centuries to the region's history, in order to provide background, to examine long-term trends and to have a point of reference for the Mamluk era.

One salient theme in the military, political and social history of the eastern Islamic world of the late Middle Ages and early modern period is the alteration and even tension between nomadic and standing armies. By the first mentioned, I am referring to armies that are based primarily on soldiers who normally live as pastoral nomads and can be called up to serve at need, as opposed to the latter, armies based in cities, composed of more-or-less professional soldiers. The former mainly receive their livelihood from their pastoral occupations while the latter draw either salaries or revenues derived directly from land allocations under their control. This chapter will revolve around this alternating military situation in various regimes and territories, looking also at the way armies were paid or otherwise supported.

Geographically, Iran – more-or-less defined as the country within the boundaries of the present Islamic Republic, but also including a wide swathe of northern modern Afghanistan and all of Turkmenistan – is at the heart of our discussion. At the same time, the effective influence (and thus the arena for the activities of the military) of these states based in Iran could extend much further to the east, north or west.

In this study, the origins and early course of the Mamluk–Īlkhānid war have been examined through narrative history interspersed with chapters of a monographic nature. Having looked at the war in some detail, it is appropriate to conclude this study with an overview of the subject, keeping in mind two paramount questions: why did this war continue, and why were the Mamluks successful in stopping the Mongols?

In recent studies, Professor J.M. Smith, Jr. and Dr. D.O. Morgan have offered fresh insights into the nature of the Mamluk–Mongol war. Professor Smith, in a wide-ranging article, analyzes the weaponry and tactics of both sides, and embarks on a technical discussion on the strengths and limitations of the Mongol and Mamluk horses. In the first section of this chapter, his approach will be considered and elaborated upon. In the second section, the question of the logistical problems encountered by the Mongols in Syria, as raised independently by Professor Smith and Dr. Morgan, will be examined. In the final section, I will suggest explanations for both the ongoing war and the Mamluk success in stopping the Mongols.

Troops and tactics compared

Professor Smith's discussion, the most detailed and systematic study of the subject yet attempted, can be summarized as follows: the Mongol army was a people's army, that is, all Mongol adult males were enlisted.

The origin of the border war

Already in the first years after the battle of ʿAyn Jālūt, some of the major motifs of the Mamluk–Īlkhānid “cold war” can be discerned: first, and most important, were the raids and other forms of intervention over the border by both sides. Second was the role of the Armenians, active allies of the Mongols, and the subsequent retribution that Baybars exacted from them. Third was the arrival in Syria of Mongol refugees, or wāfidiyya, from Hülegü's army, the first group of which arrived in late 660/1261. These wāfidiyya included both Mongol and indigenous Muslim military elements from Īlkhānid territory, and all were integrated into the Mamluk army. Finally, mention should be made of the role of the Syrian Franks, already discussed in the previous chapter. Throughout his reign, Baybars embarked on a systematic campaign against the Franks whenever lulls in the more pressing war with the Mongols permitted him to do so.

In this chapter, the ongoing, but usually limited, hostilities during the period 1262–77 between the Mamluks on the one hand, and the Īlkhānids and their allies the Armenians on the other, will be presented in a straightforward, chronological narrative.