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The original declarative procedural reflective (DPR) model is a well-established model of therapist knowledge and skill development. To date, although it has been used to guide reflection and discussion around personal and practitioner selves, it has not emphasised the various intersecting identities of practitioners and how these interact within wider concepts such as power, society, service contexts and the patient and supervisory relationships. The learning, development and implementation of CBT skills does not occur in a vacuum or separate to the practitioner identities however relatively little has been written on this. This paper aims to expand the original DPR model to illustrate potential ways that social context, identity and power could be considered within CBT training, delivery and supervision. It delineates and explores the additional components of the model (i.e. practitioner identity(s), context/society and power) and then provides examples of how this framework could inform key CBT activities (including low-intensity CBT).
Key learning aims
(1) We aim to (re-) familiarise the reader with the original DPR model of practitioner development and how this applies to CBT practitioners explicitly including low-intensity CBT practitioners (from novice learners through to expert).
(2) We aim to help the reader understand how the key elements of the original DPR model (declarative knowledge, procedural skills, reflective system and therapist stance) can be applied to specific content areas when working with individuals with minoritised identities.
(3) The reader will be introduced to an adapted DPR model which provides a framework for CBT practitioners to reflect on, and be able to conceptualise the influence of their own social identities, social context, power and how this may impact on their development and implementation of declarative knowledge, procedural skills and reflective skills.
(4) We aim to help the reader understand how an adapted DPR model can provide a helpful framework to guide skill development in working with difference and ensuring practitioners have the knowledge and skills required to provide sensitive and effective therapy, supervision and training to individuals with identities that may be different from the practitioner.
Negative symptoms are a key feature of several psychiatric disorders. Difficulty identifying common neurobiological mechanisms that cut across diagnostic boundaries might result from equifinality (i.e., multiple mechanistic pathways to the same clinical profile), both within and across disorders. This study used a data-driven approach to identify unique subgroups of participants with distinct reward processing profiles to determine which profiles predicted negative symptoms.
Methods
Participants were a transdiagnostic sample of youth from a multisite study of psychosis risk, including 110 individuals at clinical high-risk for psychosis (CHR; meeting psychosis-risk syndrome criteria), 88 help-seeking participants who failed to meet CHR criteria and/or who presented with other psychiatric diagnoses, and a reference group of 66 healthy controls. Participants completed clinical interviews and behavioral tasks assessing four reward processing constructs indexed by the RDoC Positive Valence Systems: hedonic reactivity, reinforcement learning, value representation, and effort–cost computation.
Results
k-means cluster analysis of clinical participants identified three subgroups with distinct reward processing profiles, primarily characterized by: a value representation deficit (54%), a generalized reward processing deficit (17%), and a hedonic reactivity deficit (29%). Clusters did not differ in rates of clinical group membership or psychiatric diagnoses. Elevated negative symptoms were only present in the generalized deficit cluster, which also displayed greater functional impairment and higher psychosis conversion probability scores.
Conclusions
Contrary to the equifinality hypothesis, results suggested one global reward processing deficit pathway to negative symptoms independent of diagnostic classification. Assessment of reward processing profiles may have utility for individualized clinical prediction and treatment.
Few studies have examined the genetic population structure of vector-borne microparasites in wildlife, making it unclear how much these systems can reveal about the movement of their associated hosts. This study examined the complex host–vector–microbe interactions in a system of bats, wingless ectoparasitic bat flies (Nycteribiidae), vector-borne microparasitic bacteria (Bartonella) and bacterial endosymbionts of flies (Enterobacterales) across an island chain in the Gulf of Guinea, West Africa. Limited population structure was found in bat flies and Enterobacterales symbionts compared to that of their hosts. Significant isolation by distance was observed in the dissimilarity of Bartonella communities detected in flies from sampled populations of Eidolon helvum bats. These patterns indicate that, while genetic dispersal of bats between islands is limited, some non-reproductive movements may lead to the dispersal of ectoparasites and associated microbes. This study deepens our knowledge of the phylogeography of African fruit bats, their ectoparasites and associated bacteria. The results presented could inform models of pathogen transmission in these bat populations and increase our theoretical understanding of community ecology in host–microbe systems.
The Interdisciplinary Home-bAsed Reablement Program (I-HARP) integrates evidence-based rehabilitation strategies into a dementia-specific person-centred, time-limited, home-based, interdisciplinary rehabilitation package. I-HARP was a 4-month model of care, incorporated into community aged care services and hospital-based community geriatric services. I-HARP involved: 8-10 individually tailored home visits by occupational therapist and registered nurse; 2-4 optional other allied health sessions; up to A$1,000 minor home modifications and/or assistive devices; and three individual carer support sessions. The aim of the study was to determine the effectiveness of I-HARP on the health and wellbeing of people living with dementia and their family carers.
Methods:
A multi-centre pragmatic parallel-arm randomised controlled trial compared I-HARP to usual care in community-dwelling people with mild to moderate dementia and family carers in Sydney, Australia (2018-22). Assessments of the client’s daily activities, mobility and health-related quality of life, caregiver burden and quality of life were conducted at baseline, 4- and 12-month follow-up. Changes from baseline were compared between groups.
Results:
Of 260 recruited, 232 (116 dyads of clients and their carers, 58 dyads per group) completed the trial to 4-month follow-up (89% retention). Clients were: aged 60-97 years, 63% female, 57% with mild dementia and 43% with moderate dementia. The I-HARP group had somewhat better mean results for most outcome measures than usual care at both 4 and 12 months, but the only statistically significant difference was a reduction in home environment hazards at 4 months (reduction: 2.29 on Home Safety Self-Assessment Tool, 95% CI: 0.52, 4.08; p=.01, effect size [ES] 0.53). Post-hoc sub-group analysis of 66 clients with mild dementia found significantly better functional independence in the intervention group: 11.2 on Disability Assessment for Dementia (95% CI: 3.4, 19.1; p=.005; ES 0.69) at 4 months and 13.7 (95% CI: 3.7, 23.7; p=.007; ES 0.69) at 12 months.
Conclusion:
The I-HARP model enhanced functional independence of people with mild dementia only but not significantly in people with moderate dementia, so did not result in better outcomes in the group overall. A different type of rehabilitation model or strategies may be required as dementia becomes more severe.
Edited by
Richard Williams, University of South Wales,Verity Kemp, Independent Health Emergency Planning Consultant,Keith Porter, University of Birmingham,Tim Healing, Worshipful Society of Apothecaries of London,John Drury, University of Sussex
It is usual for humans to experience distress in the aftermath of emergencies, incidents, disasters, and disease outbreaks (EIDD). The manifestation, severity, and duration of the experiences that constitute distress depend on many intrinsic and extrinsic factors. Recent research has demonstrated that distress may be more ubiquitous than was previously thought, and that some interventions, even if well meaning, may not be helpful. Amelioration for most people comes with timely, proportionate, and targeted support and the passage of time. Validation of people’s experiences and minimising the medicalisation of distress are important in helping people to return to ordinary social functioning. This chapter looks at distress related to major events, including the scientific principles, impacts, and implications for intervention. The case study draws on the experience of three members of a pre-hospital team and how a challenging case affected them all.
Edited by
Richard Williams, University of South Wales,Verity Kemp, Independent Health Emergency Planning Consultant,Keith Porter, University of Birmingham,Tim Healing, Worshipful Society of Apothecaries of London,John Drury, University of Sussex
There is increasing awareness that working within the field of pre-hospital care can have psychosocial effects on clinicians. This chapter describes a systematic review of current knowledge of the psychosocial consequences of working in pre-hospital care. A considerable amount of research has been conducted, examining in particular whether practitioners develop burnout and psychiatric disorders, especially symptoms of post-traumatic stress and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), as a result of their work. However, most studies did not fully assess whether practitioners developed clinically significant symptoms.. Instead, cross-sectional surveys and self-report questionnaires were used, which considerably overestimate the incidence of these problems. Perhaps the high scores on these questionnaires indicate that practitioners who work in pre-hospital care often suffer considerable stress and distress that can be the result of daily organisational and operational hassles, a high volume of work, lack of resources, and, less than has often been thought, attending unusual and high-profile incidents.
Radiocarbon dates on charred plant remains are often used to define the chronology of archives such as lake cores and fluvial sequences. However, charcoal is often older than its depositional context because old-wood can be burnt and a range of transport and storage stages exist between the woodland and stream or lake bed (“inherited age”). In 1978, Blong and Gillespie dated four size fractions of charcoal found floating or saltating in the Macdonald River, Australia. They found larger fragments gave younger age estimates, raising the possibility that taphonomic modifications could help identify the youngest fragments. In 1978 each date required 1000s charcoal fragments. This study returns to a sample from the Macdonald River to date individual charcoal fragments and finds the inherited age may be more than 1700 years (mode 250 years) older than the collection date. Taphonomic factors, e.g., size, shape or fungal infestation cannot identify the youngest fragments. Only two fragments on short-lived materials correctly estimated the date of collection. In SE Australia, this study suggests that wood charcoal will overestimate the age of deposition, taphonomic modifications cannot be used to identify which are youngest, and multiple short-lived materials are required to accurately estimate the deposition age.
Three volumes of detailed description of Bedfordshire parish churches, presented with text from five important nineteenth-century sources; Appendices and Index complete the set.
This is to be a series of three volumes covering Bedfordshire churches in the nineteenth century. The volumes will contain descriptions of churches “on the eve of restoration” together with contemporary illustrations –most of which will be published for the first time.
For each church, there will be extracts from original records amplified by a commentary and explanatory footnotes. The main source material consists of:
1. Extracts from church inventories – mainly 1822
2. Antiquarian notes on churches by Archdeacon Bonney, c.1840
4. Articles on churches by W.A. – John Martin, the librarian at Woburn Abbey - 1845-1854
5. Church descriptions by Sir Stephen Glynne 1830-1870
There is considerable value in having these key sources, with illustrations and commentary, in one place. The descriptions by Bonney and Glynne are purely factual, but John Martin’s articles, highlighting abuses and neglect, make colourful and at times controversial reading. Bonney’s visitation notes - and the supporting evidence from contemporary records such as churchwardens’ accounts – give a clear indication that church buildings were far from neglected in the opening decades of the nineteenth century. Together these sources document features that can still be seen today, and provide information on others that have been lost.
The aim has been to present the text of contemporary sources in their original state, to convey a feeling for the times as well as to provide information. It is recognised that most of the sources could have been condensed by editing - for instance the lists of registers in the glebe terriers and the quotations in the articles by W.A. – but the Editorial Group felt that they should nevertheless be published in extenso.
The introductory commentary for each church includes a summary of the history of the building, focusing especially on eighteenth and nineteenth century restoration and alterations. These introductory notes are generally brief, but may be longer where differences between present and past external appearance merit detailed discussion. Detailed footnotes explain and amplify features mentioned in the text of the original sources and so lead the reader to additional research material.
Bedfordshire churches on the eve of restoration are well documented in a number of sources. First, there are a great many pictures of churches by artists such as Thomas Fisher and George Shepherd dating from the early Cl9th. Secondly, there are the manuscript sources which describe the condition of church buildings and ornaments in the years leading up to “the age of restoration”.
These sources are described and discussed in detail below. In outline, however, they include the glebe terriers for 1822 which describe the plan of each church and list the ornaments and furnishings. As Archdeacon of Bedford from 1821 to 1844, Dr. Henry Kaye Bonney compiled two notebooks on the churches in his care. In the one, he made detailed architectural notes on each church and its fittings, and in the other he kept a record of the orders made at his archidiaconal visitations between 1823 and 1839. Another commentator was John Martin, the Librarian at Woburn Abbey, who using the signature W.A. wrote a series of pithy articles on Bedfordshire churches for the Northampton Mercury and Bedfordshire Times between 1845 and 1854. Lastly, there are the notebooks of Sir Stephen Glynne who visited over a third of the churches in the County between 1830 and 1870.
Together these sources provide a colourful image of the appearance, condition and atmosphere of Bedfordshire churches at a time when on the one hand they were nearer their mediaeval state than they are today but when on the other they were arguably in their greatest need of attention.
Glebe Terriers (extracts) 1822
After the Reformation, the ecclesiastical authorities became increasingly aware of the need to keep proper records of church possessions. The documents known as glebe terriers fulfil this purpose, and include terriers (recording property and endowments) and inventories (listing goods and chattels). The existence of such records helped to prevent the loss and misappropriation of church property.
Terriers had been compiled for purely parochial purposes in mediaeval times, but in compliance with an archiepiscopal order or canon of 1571 it became a requirement for copies of these documents to be lodged in diocesan registries for safe-keeping.
Although the present church dates chiefly from the Cl4th and Cl5th, the foundations of the Cl2th church were discovered during excavations in 1975. The later church has a chancel, nave with north and south aisles, south porch and west tower. It retains its Cl5th roof with angels and shields (though the painted decoration is modem) and there is a ceilure above the former rood.
In 1696 a private pew was constructed for Lord Ashbumham of Ampthill Park in the south aisle of the church. Sir Christopher Wren and his pupil Nicholas Hawksmoor were involved in the design, and the pew was built by Alexander Fort, the King’s joiner. There was a heated legal dispute between Lord Ashburnham and Lord Ailesbury of Houghton House about this pew, which was eventually removed in 1847. The entrance through the east wall of the south aisle is shown in Buckler’s drawing dated 1835 (Plate 2). Lord Ailesbury had his own pew in the church, and there are faculties and papers regarding other Cl8th pews. In 1827 Boissier described the church as “crowded with pews & galleries”. Between 1823 and 1839 Bonney ordered several improvements to the pews, and in 1845 W.A. was highly critical of the arrangement of the church interior.
A faculty was obtained in 1728 to replace the pulpit, take down the chancel screen, and alter various windows. It was probably at this date that the pulpit was placed centrally in the chancel arch where it remained until 1847. Other repairs and alterations in the Cl8th and early Cl9th are recorded in the churchwardens’ accounts from 1718, vestry minutes from 1767, and churchwardens bills from 1823 (listed individually by Andrew Underwood) in the parish records.
Restoration came in 1847-8 under James Tacy Wing of Bedford, who provided new seats and galleries in the nave (Plate 3) and renewed the east window, repaired the roof and stonework, and added a small vestry on the north side of the chancel. In 1851-2 the church was lit by gas.
The tracery of the windows in the south aisle was renewed in 1872-3. Further work followed in 1877 when the vestry on the north side of the chancel was enlarged under James Piers St. Aubyn, although not all the work authorised by the faculty was carried out.
The parish churches of England are among the most noble and conspicuous of the nation’s architectural monuments. Their survival, however, owes more to chance than to good stewardship. Neglect, decay, and deliberate destruction are as much a part of their history as the work of dedicated benefactors and parishioners who strove to make our churches worthy for Christian worship.
As the sources selected for inclusion in this series demonstrate all too clearly, many Bedfordshire churches were in a dilapidated state in the opening decades of the nineteenth century. Others, whilst structurally sound and decently furnished for the worship of the day, needed “restoration” – a term meaning much more than just repair. This was the situation facing the Victorians who – far from vandalising our heritage – sought to restore these precious buildings from years of neglect and adapt them to suit the new liturgical arrangements of the time.
The coming of the ecclesiological movement in the 1840s brought a new concern for the ceremonial aspects of worship – the ministry of the sacraments instead of the ministry of the word. This entailed a change in the arrangement of church buildings, the old “preaching boxes” of the Cl8th giving way to churches in which all attention focused on the chancel and the holy table in the sanctuary. The reformers often exaggerated the poor state of church buildings as a means of drawing attention to the need for change, and the Victorians were invariably critical of alterations and repairs carried out in previous centuries when utility had been regarded as more important than sanctity.
Between about 1840 and 1914 virtually every parish church in England was in some measure restored, and vast sums of money were spent on what was seen to be one of the most worthy causes of the Victorian era. Many churches were rescued from the brink of collapse and given a new lease of life. Some were restored to their former glory. Others were mutilated beyond recognition or wholly rebuilt. Churches viewed by the Victorians as “tainted by classical alterations” were gothicised. Sound buildings were “improved” to suit the needs of a new religious age.
Churches remaining “unrestored” in appearance are to be seen at Chaigrave, Dean, Knotting, Odell, Shelton and Wymington (to name a few of the more rewarding examples in the County), but sadly the phrase “over restored” is all too common in the Bedfordshire volume of Dr. Nikolaus Pevsner’s Buildings of England series.
A brief general survey of post-Reformation church work in the County will be useful as an introduction to the subject. It seems sensible to frame the review round the work of architects - the designers of buildings and of furnishing schemes - who worked at different periods and in different styles. In this way, it is possible to view the changes in ecclesiastical taste in the County in their broader national context.
Post-Reformation church building to 1800
In general terms, church building activity came to an abrupt end at the time of the Reformation. There are, however, exceptions and recent studies in the neighbouring county of Huntingdonshire have demonstrated the extent of building work and improvements to churches into the seventeenth century. This may be untypical of the general picture, and Bedfordshire lacks any particularly distinguished examples of churches dating from the period between 1550 and 1800. Those mentioned below are all relatively minor when compared with the treasures in neighbouring counties, such as:
In Bedfordshire, Hulcote church was rebuilt by the Chemocke family in the late sixteenth century. It is gothic in form, but with a distinctly Renaissance feel. The tower at Blunham was rebuilt in 1583. At Odell there is a fine screen and ringing gallery of 1637 in the tower arch. At Campton, the north aisle dates from 1649. Whipsnade church was rebuilt in 1719. Melchboume has a seventeenthcentury porch brought, it is said, from Woodford in Northamptonshire. The body of the church was rebuilt in the classical style in about 1770. Shillington tower, destroyed in a storm in 1701, was rebuilt in brick in 1750. The 1783 black basalt Wedgwood font at Cardington - another formerly existed at Melchboume - is a particularly memorable example of eighteenth-century church furnishing. In every one of these cases the identity of the architect is unknown.
Having lived and worked in Bedfordshire for the past sixteen years, I have visited every church in the County in the course of my work. While on the staff of the Bedfordshire County Record Office I have been responsible for surveying and listing all the church records, and I am fortunate that this has enabled me to develop an intimate knowledge of the churches and their history.
It is my hope that in preparing these volumes I may be able to pass on some of this knowledge for the benefit of people interested either in specific churches or in the subject generally. I should like to thank the Society for publishing this book. I also wish to thank Gordon Vowles, the General Editor, and my colleagues on the Editorial Group for their constructive comments and suggestions throughout its gestation period.
Formal acknowledgment is due to the authorities and owners who have allowed the publication of their material. The 1822 glebe terriers are published here by kind permission of Lincoln Diocesan Record Office. Archdeacon Bonney’s church notes were among the manuscripts transferred to the County Record Office from the old Bedford Library, while Bonney’s visitation notes appear by kind permission of the present Archdeacon of Bedford, the Ven. Malcolm Lesiter. Sir Stephen Glynne’s Bedfordshire church notes are published by kind permission of Sir William Gladstone. Thanks are also due to Geoffrey Veysey, the Clwyd County Archivist, for providing information on the notes and for allowing me to quote from his article about Sir Stephen Glynne. The sources of illustrations are acknowledged separately.
Material for this volume has been gathered from several record repositories and institutions. My first debt of gratitude is to my colleagues in the Bedfordshire County Record Office, but I must also thank the staff at the British Library, the British Newspaper Library, the library of the Society of Antiquaries of London, the Bedfordshire County Library Service, Lambeth Palace Library, Cambridge University Library, Lincolnshire Archives, and the Hertfordshire County Record Office for their help and advice.
Thanks are also due to all those who have typed parts of the text including Deborah Blake and Ellen Collier, but especially to Pauline Newbery on whom the main body of the work has fallen.