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It is crucial to apply robust analytic methods to the study of discourses deemed 'ideological'. This book applies the Guidelines and Procedures for ideological research, as presented in Verschueren's Ideology in Language Use, to an exciting new area of study; discourses intended to improve humanity. It analyses the discourse of Amnesty International appeal letters, to show (contrary to what the field of critical discourse analysis often assumes) that ideological discourse can sometimes have a positive, rather than a negative, agenda. It explores how Amnesty's choice of words, sentence structures, speech acts, and other discourse elements, enact its ideological meanings, functions, frames of reference and interpretation, as well as the social, interactional, and ideological positioning of discourse participants in its reports, communications, and appeals. These findings have wider implications not only for the field of discourse analysis, but also for theories within pragmatics, such as speech act theory and (im)politeness.
Ngugi wa Thiong’o was a leading postcolonial literary voice, advocating for the centrality of indigenous languages. His central argument is that since language was a fundamental instrument of colonisation, it is equally integral to the process of decolonisation. This has resonated among intellectuals and writers from formerly colonised societies who seek to redress legacies of colonialism. During the transitional period in South Africa, Ngugi became the most sought-after speaker on the preservation and development of African languages, shaping the discourse about language, culture and identity. Ngugi’s language ethos played a critical role in the recognition of indigenous languages in the constitution of South Africa. This chapter traces the impact of Ngugi’s language activism, particularly as it has shaped the author’s own development as a writer in both English and IsiXhosa. Through an autoethnographic lens, this chapter foregrounds personal reflection on Ngugi’s influence. It challenges the reductive tendency to confine Ngugi’s legacy solely to his direct intellectual and literary output, arguing for a more expansive appraisal of his enduring influence in shaping and sustaining language discourse among the formerly colonised. It recognises the evolution of Ngugi’s ideas over time and attributes this to his responsiveness to the shifting dynamics of contemporary society and global discursive formations.
I was initially diagnosed at my local hospital, but was able to change to the University of Tokyo Hospital. I was then told of the punishing treatment I would receive. We also found out my cancer was HPV-related, as many neck cancers.
The first intensive bout of chemotherapy went very well, and I was reluctant to undergo another intensive week. At the beginning of the second round I had an almost life-ending anaphylactic shock, being saved by a close friend.
We returned to Japan in the summer of 2013, me now back at pre-cancer weight, and the girls with Birmingham accents. This chapter brings the narrative to a close.
By the end of January my treatment was over, and successful. I went back to work, too soon really, and this chapter recounts some of the struggles with my body and colleagues.
Recent scholarship has directed attention to how racial discourse, and colorblind racism in particular, influences urban redevelopment in U.S. cities. This study employs a theory of strategic racialization to better understand how developers use race-related discourse to seek public support for their projects and how community members respond. Focusing on a series of public meetings regarding three competing proposals to build a casino in the city of Chicago, we find that racial meanings and categories played a central role in efforts by developers and community members to characterize, support, and challenge the casino project. Comparing public interactions across three different communities, we argue that developers deployed a shifting array of discursive strategies—territorial ascription, multiculturalism, colorblind racialization, and a more novel variety of racial equity claims—to mobilize the unique geographic and organizational characteristics of their proposed projects as assurances of racial equity. We identify three distinct discourses that organized the racial equity claims of developers and community members: Black-led capitalism, racially representative capitalism, and spatially connective capitalism. We conclude that while community members actively contested developers’ claims and called for greater specificity concerning beneficiaries, they did not challenge the capitalist logic that merely redistributing the benefits of development among owners and workers—however racialized—could bring about racial equity.
The idea of “self-reliance” has endured in Chinese political discourse for nearly a century, transcending profound changes in China’s political, economic and strategic circumstances. Although it is frequently misinterpreted as economic isolation or autarky, the idea of self-reliance in China has always acknowledged the country’s engagement with the global economy. Drawing on the discursive institutionalist concept of ideational resilience, we show that self-reliance comprises three interlocking elements: autonomy, interdependence and order-shaping. While these sit in tension with one another, they have also accommodated one another since the earliest articulations of the idea. This tripartite structure has enabled Chinese leaders since the Republican era to reinterpret and usefully deploy the idea of self-reliance. Our findings underscore the resilience of Chinese foreign economic policy ideas, as well as the ideational logic behind Xi Jinping’s seemingly contradictory pursuit of technological self-reliance, open global markets and greater connectivity with the developing world.
American English is not a simple thing to define. The United States is a big place, with many different regions. American English is certainly different from British English, and yet it is hard to set boundaries on the differences. American culture also plays a role in American English, and some say that politics does as well. In the end, the multitude of voices of Americans of whatever belief and whatever region come together to emerge as what people around the world recognize as American English.
This chapter summarises the key findings of the book on offensive language online, with particular emphasis on the perspectives of those targeted. It outlines the book’s multi-layered approach, which integrates corpus linguistics, discourse analysis and pragmatics. The chapter also explores future directions for research, including platform-specific variations, sociolinguistic changes and the value of interdisciplinary methodologies for understanding and addressing offensive language in digital spaces.
Twenty-five years ago in this journal, Hilary Whitehouse described the cultural discourse of “greenies” evident in regional Queensland, Australia, and its implications for educators and students undertaking sustainability initiatives in schools. The present article draws on data from research conducted in Wagga Wagga, New South Wales, to show that this cultural discourse persists in regional Australia and continues to challenge educators and students. Data from interviews and focus group discussions demonstrate that teachers and students are cautious about sharing environmentalist views at school, lest they be labelled as “greenies.” The contentious rollout of renewable energy infrastructure seems to have added further charge to the pejorative discursive practice originally described by Whitehouse in 2001. Contending with the “greenie” appellation, and its associated negative connotations, appears to be an ongoing impediment to teaching and learning about environmental issues in regional Australia.
When Elizabeth Maconchy entered the British compositional scene in 1930 with the premiere of her orchestral suite, The Land, she and her fellow composers had an unsettled relationship with the prevailing musical styles of Europe. Whereas continental composers were highly regarded by British critics as cutting edge, their British contemporaries were faulted as derivative, unoriginal, and too steeped in national traditions to contribute to the ‘new’ music. Constant Lambert argued his rival countrymen (and women) had let their moment to be ‘modern’ pass them by. This chapter examines the scope of modernism on the continent and scholars’ difficulties in pinning down a precise functional definition of the so-called ‘modernist’ style. Practitioners of European modernism sought to be sensational or at the very least individual. British modernism, on the other hand, tended toward the juxtaposition of ‘old’ and ‘new’, an eclecticism that is not bound to any specific ideology.
New Zealand English (NZE) is one of the most well-researched varieties of English in the world. This is largely due to the existence of several high-quality spoken corpora, including the Origins of New Zealand English (ONZE) corpus. This corpus has provided the foundation for work on new dialect formation, sociolinguistic variation and sound change. However, published descriptions of the emergence of NZ English are based on data from only a sub-set of speakers from the ONZE corpus. More recent work has begun to utilise data from the full ONZE corpus, and other spoken and written corpora of NZ English. This chapter will first provide an overview of the existing received wisdom on the development of New Zealand English, before focussing on several recent studies showing how much further we have now come in our understanding of the history and development of this variety.
Modern proponents of free speech maintain that the value of expression resides in its authenticity-making power, which generates political legitimacy. They simultaneously concede that the value of expression is not without abridgments, no matter how deeply felt or authentically fulfilling such expression may be. Given these commitments, how can free speech be valued for its authenticity-making power, and yet also conditionally regulated? This chapter explores a resolution based on an interpretation of Aquinas’s thought on speech and expression. First, Aquinas clarifies Aristotle’s distinction between vox (animal expression) and loquutio (logical discourse) as an irreducible relationship of explanandum and explanans: loquutio is uniquely disposed to comprehending what is just or unjust within what is pleasant or painful. Second, Thomistic loquutio is directed to truth while permitting false claims as logical-temporal constituents of discourse, requiring above all a “discursive situation” that avoids both contradiction and epistemically unjustified conviction. These characteristics of Thomistic loquutio are supported by his treatment of angelic communication, which is not revelatory so much as consultatory from a second-person perspective and clarificatory from a first-person perspective. Ultimately, this interpretive Thomistic account rejects the modern commitment of authenticity without absolutism, while affirming certain aspects of what makes speech politically valuable.
Chapter 4 analyses processes of making climate mitigation into a policy area during the 1970s to mid 1990s. It explores the ideas, frames, and interests that informed United Nations climate change debates, how mitigation came to be defined as a policy area, and, ultimately, the specific compromises that were necessary to agree emissions reduction targets for Annex 1 countries. The role of political compromise in processes of reaching agreements and on governing bodies is foregrounded. Particular attention is also paid to questions of how pro-mitigation groups articulated the need for change, the role of climate science within this, how anti-mitigation coalitions narrated their contestations, and how these debates informed compromises reached. Although negotiated outcomes were unsatisfactory in many ways, there is a sense that all parties did, to greater or lesser extents, compromise to engender these first stages in the politicisation of climate mitigation.
Although post-socialist civil society has been widely studied, scholars have rarely examined how political conflict reshapes its very meaning. This article addresses that gap by comparing the discursive constructions of civil society put forth by Poland’s liberal-left and conservative-right symbolic elites. Analyzing 53 opinion pieces published in Gazeta Wyborcza and Rzeczpospolita (2015–2023), I demonstrate that both camps instrumentalize the term as a tool for mobilization and legitimation. The liberal-left frames civil society as a pluralist watchdog that safeguards democracy and European norms, while the conservative-right associates it with national identity and cooperation with a strong state. Each narrative marginalizes civic actors that fall outside the partisan divide, thereby deepening polarization. These competing frames reflect a broader struggle between a pro-modernization project anchored in EU integration and a national-conservative alternative, which narrows public perceptions of Poland’s diverse civic landscape.
Transnational anti-trans actors fall into two camps: traditionally conservative actors who pursue transphobia to extend patriarchy and feminists who pursue transphobia to challenge patriarchy. This article investigates how shared language and practices of anti-trans feminist and traditionalist coalitions enact opposing sex/gender orders. I explain this alliance through grounded theory generated from a critical discourse analysis of my dataset of 1016 anti-trans texts from 175 organizations. I develop my Affective Orientation Threat Structure, which explains the affective governing process of this coalition, and then apply this framework to anti-trans discourses about trans threats to womanhood. I find that anti-trans feminists and traditionalists generate fear via shared threat constructions but frame threat differently in order to mobilize affective energy in service of diverging regulative regimes and sex/gender orders. I argue that the illogics produced by contradictions within this incompatible coalition benefit both camps by maximizing affective disorientation and generating momentum through paradox.
Bringing together an international team of scholars from various linguistic areas, theoretical viewpoints, and educational contexts, this book makes the case for strengthening the role of linguistics in second language (L2) teaching and learning. Seeing firsthand how the strengths and tools of the science of language contribute greatly to pedagogical effectiveness in the L2 classroom, the authors of each chapter lay out the strengths of linguistics for L2 teaching and learning with examples, case studies, research, anecdotal evidence, illustrations, and sample activities for the language classroom. The book argues as well for the place of L2 theory and data in linguistic inquiry and linguistics education. Bringing these disparate disciplines together around the shared reality of language itself has great promise of mutual benefit. Accessibly written with readers from both disciplines in mind, each chapter includes recommended readings and discussion questions intended to spark conversations across the disciplines.
In a time of polycrisis, internal contestation, and strained transatlantic relations, European identity is timelier and more relevant than ever. Do EU public policies operating in a multilevel governance system contribute to European identity-building, and what can jeopardise the process of identity formation at the level of policy elites? The article adopts a social constructivist and discursive approach and brings to the fore the lacking process of EU socialisation via discursive practices as a key reason leading to failed identity-building. Focusing on EU Cohesion Policy in Wales (UK), Crete (Greece), and Silesia (Poland), the analysis employs primary data and grey literature sources, along with 64 semistructured elite interviews, to show that, despite key differences among the three cases, Cohesion Policy has not contributed significantly to European identity-building among policy elites at different government levels and among the public. This is because the coordinative discourse about EU policies is dominated by ideas about economic goals and practical aspects of policy-making, while the respective communicative discourse is controlled by domestic political elites and the media and is ultimately determined by broader national/regional political cultures about the purpose and limitations of EU membership. Overall, the article contributes to the literature on European identity-building, EU socialisation, and discourse by arguing that the way EU public policies are designed, implemented, and communicated do not favour the achievement of political goals, such as the cultivation of a shared European identity.