References to Ignatius Sancho’s wife, children, and family life are interweaved throughout his letters. Sancho often wrote to his friends, briefly updating them on his family’s well-being and activities. When these brief references are collated and analyzed, an underrepresented perspective of Sancho’s family as a middling Black family emerges, where the Sanchos each embody the ideal representation of husbands, fathers, wives, mothers, and children. These references to the Sancho family in the Letters help make the Sancho family one of eighteenth-century London’s most well-documented Black families. More importantly, the family’s representation in the Letters answers essential questions about how the Black family were perceived in society and the role class, race, and gender play in shaping childhood, parental relationships, and family life. This chapter details the representations of Blackness, fatherhood, motherhood, and childhood observed in the Sancho family.

First dramatically, then with ever-growing complexity, World War I began a long-running, openly contentious reordering of gender relations, gender understandings, and public gender regimes. Mobilization for total war articulated men’s citizenship to soldiering; women’s to motherhood. Harnessed to family in multifarious ways, each profoundly altered and strengthened belonging in the nation. Those processes of regendering shaped interwar public policy across multiple spheres: welfare provision and social services; broader social policy and public health; regulation of sexuality and reproductive rights; education and public morality. While presenting across Europe as common exigencies and desiderata, in democratic polities no less than in fascist regimes or the Soviet Union, this welfarist political complex varied markedly with different types of polity. The “front experience” became processed by many younger veterans and aspiring soldiers into a militarized outlook of aggressively misogynist, heedlessly violent, and empathy-purged masculinity.

The ‘framing’ goods of life, sociality and rationality constitute necessary formal conditions of all the other, namely non-formal, goods. They are also intrinsically good; indeed, without any one of them, one ceases to be a human altogether. Life has absolute priority as a framing good, and is distinct from health (since one can be living and ill). After canvassing Aquinas’s and Finnis’s justification of life as a basic good, I offer my own bipartite justification in terms of life as both a ‘transcendent’ and ‘immanent’ human function. As to sociality, humans are essentially animals who live-in-relation, in the rich sense of developing various intentional relations to the world. If they fail to develop these, they become disabled (disability being a dysfunction and hence natural bad). I then detail various forms of sociality (which Aristotle calls philia, often translated ‘friendship’), along with the perfections or goods they embody. Last, I broach the framing good of rationality. This should be understood not as a virtue (either practical or theoretical), but rather as the ‘immanent character of human being and its form or mode of living-in-relation’. I explore its content in detail in Chapter 7.

The introduction insists that Black placemaking is an important complement to studies of African diasporic migration. It situates this book within the historiography of family, US southern, and African diasporic scholarship, recounts archival and other research methodologies, and reflects on the books overall significance.

Describes Meade’s family background and education at preparatory and public schools.

The purpose of this chapter is to describe post-intensive care syndrome-family (PICS-F), its scope, and the significance of the problem. We will describe potential etiologies; problems, including psychological, physical/functional, caregiver burden, employment/financial, and social; and risk factors of PICS-F. Measurement tools used to examine PICS-F among family caregivers are also addressed. We identify the current status of interventions that have been developed and tested to prevent PICS-F and reduce related symptoms among family caregivers. Finally, we discuss future directions for facilitating the advancement of science to support family caregivers of critically ill patients.

The Conclusion summarises the arguments of the book and points to the anxieties that male and female family members felt about childbearing and their efforts to impose order on it. Childbearing was habitually represented as women’s work in prescriptive and personal writings. This was because this fitted with an idealised model of gendered domestic labour. However, male family members invested considerable financial, emotional and bodily energy into securing positive procreative outcomes. This was in equal parts motivated by the centrality of childbearing to male status and honour, and by its prominence in larger familial narratives about godliness and fruitfulness. The Conclusion suggests the important implications this has for history of medicine and everyday life in early modern England.

This interleaf comprises a journey through peri-urban Kiambu, a glimpse of its terrain and inhabitants, as well as an arrival at the homesteads of Ituura, where the book’s narrative is set.

This chapter examines the Italian humanist discourse on vocation in terms of two intersecting binaries: on the one hand, the competing demands of shame culture (as in Cicero’s De officiis) and guilt culture (as in Augustine’s Confessions); on the other, the interplay between individual humanists and the status and expectations of their families. The result was the first substantive articulation of the concept of secular vocation.

This opening chapter outlines the main arguments of the book and introduces the histories of childbirth, domestic medicine and the family. It makes the case for seeing childbearing as a medical and social experience and shows that generation (the early modern term for childbearing) was of great personal, political and cultural significance in the period. The Introduction argues that childbirth was a family affair and shows that family paperwork – diaries, letters, almanacs, account books, commonplace books and other documents – were awash with descriptions of parts of the process of making babies. Generation was framed as being part of the domestic labour that had to be done by family members or by servants to run an orderly household, and was embedded within other everyday practices like healing, clothing and feeding individuals. The literate individuals who kept records in their paperwork were also the individuals who could afford to buy printed books on conduct and medicine that laid out ideal godly practice. By considering paperwork alongside this instructive material, this book uncovers the cultural and practical tensions between prescription and practice.

A significant percentage of listed companies are under the influence of founding families by stock ownership and/or family managers, even in developed countries, including the United States. In the United States, when the founders retire, they tend to hire professional managers and sell out their shares. In Japan, approximately 50% of listed companies are family firms, many of which are managed by founders’ heirs without substantial family ownership. In China, although family firms are relatively new because Chinese law traditionally prohibited private enterprises, family firms have grown rapidly since the transformation from a planned to a market-oriented economy in 1978. Generally speaking, founder firms’ performance is significantly better than that of non-family firms in most countries, but heir-managing firms’ performance varies in different countries. Prevalent types of listed family firms and their relative performance to non-family firms reflect minority shareholder protection law, the size of the manager market, and the corporate governance practice of each country.