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The final chapter of this book considers external challenges – namely, discourses and regulatory moves driven by concerns about state sovereignty and, relatedly, security and development – to the dual-sided framework in the current digital era. It starts by discussing to what extent China provides a counter-model to the liberal conception of information freedom and the dual-sided framework and argues that there is not really a Chinese (counter-)model. It moves to consider other Global South countries, looking at firstly Brazil and India and then the peripheries of the periphery. It argues that placed in a chain of dependence, practices of Global South countries generally do not present fundamental challenges to the dual-sided framework despite their genuine normative contestations. The chapter finally moves to recent sovereignist policies and discourses from the Western liberal world and observes that the main challenge to the dual-sided framework comes from an increasingly fascist United States.
Swift rose from obscurity to become not only one of the greatest satirists in English, but also one of the most influential foreign policy writers in Europe during the early eighteenth century. Yet his extensive engagement with the international sphere – war, peace, alliances, trade, and international law – is a neglected aspect of both his literary legacy and modern international thought. This is the first comprehensive study of his international politics in theory and practice. Drawing on the work of Swift and his contemporaries, and scholarship across literature, history, politics, international relations, theology, law, and economics, Matthew Gertken vindicates Swift's self-definition as a political independent, neither Whig nor Tory, neither libertarian nor authoritarian. His international perspective rescues Swift from the critical but overdone Hobbes-Locke dichotomy and reveals him to be an ally of Aristotle and Grotius, father of international law – and a champion of right over might.
This paper examines how the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) are emerging as pivotal actors in the global race for frontier AI dominance, and analyzes the implications for U.S. strategic interests. It evaluates each country’s current position in the frontier AI development and deployment supply chain – detailing the UAE’s and KSA’s massive investments in AI infrastructure and connections with the USA, China and France – as well as the two Gulf states’ unique advantages in capital, energy and centralized governance. Gulf investments are reshaping global tech supply chains and could either strengthen or undermine U.S. technological leadership, depending on U.S. engagement. The paper recommends a proactive U.S. strategy to leverage Gulf AI ambitions while safeguarding national security. Recommendations include enforcing rigorous technical safeguards on Gulf-based AI infrastructure, tightening export control oversight to prevent diversion of advanced chips, joint targeted R&D investment initiatives, co-development of international AI standards, strict investment screening via the Committee on Foreign Investment in the USA and measures to prevent conflicts of interest.
Hedging, not balancing or bandwagoning, is the modal behavior of the non-great powers under uncertainty. Despite its prevalence as a state alignment choice, hedging has remained an undertheorized subject in the study of international relations. This Element presents one of the first theoretical works on strategic hedging in world politics. Tracing the multidisciplinary roots of hedging as an instinctive human behavior, I contend that sovereign actors hedge in ways similar to commodity traders, farmers, fund managers, academic writers, politicians, and individuals in competitive organizations under conditions of high-stakes and high-uncertainties. I then develop a two-level theoretical framework to explain when, how and why states hedge, rather than balance or bandwagon. Using selected Indo-Pacific countries as empirical cases, I conclude that while structural-level conditions largely explain the shifts in alignment decisions (e.g., from non-hedging to hedging, or vice versa), domestic factors explain the variations in hedging choices.
This article examines the challenges of border-crossing science at geopolitical hot spots through the case study of the East Sea (also known as the Sea of Japan). The East Sea is a marginal sea on the north-west Pacific Ocean surrounded by four historically conflicted nations—South Korea, North Korea, Russia, and Japan. Despite vast scientific interest, severe military conflicts have restricted transnational cooperation in this region throughout the late twentieth century. Utilizing personal archives, cruise reports, and interviews with participating scientists, this article examines how an international team of East Asian oceanographers developed material, political, and rhetorical tactics to circumvent and even appropriate complex border problems at the end of the Cold War. The case study suggests that the global history of oceanography should pay further attention to the practical challenges of accessing geopolitically conflicted basins as well as creative strategies that scientists devise to bridge over those troubled waters.
Brexit was an act of gross economic vandalism. Many leavers understood that at the time. Most were indifferent. When push came to shove, an economic hit seemed, to those who thought about it at all, to be a price worth paying for autonomy. ‘Take Back Control’ proved to be a winning formula. Ten years on, we are in a better position to decide how much control we have really gained, and how much it has been worth to us. Control and autonomy are legal and constitutional concepts, but their value depends on political realities. In a world of huge nations like the United States and China, it is in the interest of smaller nations to join together in powerful multinational blocs like the European Union. Its members have more control and more global power collectively than they can ever hope to have individually. Britain’s own ability to exercise ‘control’ over its own fate is inevitably more limited outside the European Union.
By now, we have established firmly that the green transition will cause accelerated economic growth. By the performance-stability trade-off discussed in Chapter 3, this accelerated growth could occur at the expense of economic stability. This is because the green transition will cause untold upheaval. In this chapter, we lay out the pace and scale of this likely upheaval, looking at the great transformation that inevitably has to take place across industry, trade, investment and geopolitical power. Different countries will face different challenges, some gaining in international economic power, others losing. This will inevitably lead to a brand new map of international relations worldwide, of debtor–creditor relationships, of trade relationships and of international purchasing power. We discuss the challenges that developing countries face in financing a transition towards environmental and financial sustainability.
This article examines how the participation and designations of the shared delegation of Denmark, Greenland and the Faroe Islands to the Arctic Council have developed since the council’s establishment in 1996. Drawing on data from 223 meetings across all Arctic Council meeting types, we analyse participation patterns and delegation designations, linking them to shifting priorities and internal dynamics within the Kingdom. The delegation is unique for its frequent designation changes and documentation of nationality shifts. Our analysis shows that since 2013, designations have gradually standardised at ministerial and Senior Arctic Official (SAO) meetings, while at the working group level, designation practices are more fragmented. Denmark maintains the largest presence across all meeting types, but Greenland and the Faroe Islands have increased their engagement in specific groups in line with their foreign policy strategies. These developments highlight a broader rebalancing within the Kingdom, where Greenland and the Faroe Islands have strengthened their Arctic engagement and foreign policy agency.
This chapter examines the relationship between geopolitical rivalry and world trade law. It begins by discussing the consequences of trade for national power and security, and how dominant states approach foreign economic policy. It then analyses recent geopolitical developments and their implications for the evolution of the international economic order. It concludes by discussing the implications of the analysis for world trade law and policy in the future.
Immigration to Western nations has risen sharply, fueling political backlash and the ascent of far-right, nativist policymakers who favor restrictive migration policies. Yet such restrictions are unlikely to succeed over the long term because they fail to address the root causes that drive people to seek better lives abroad. Foreign aid has long been viewed as a tool for tackling these underlying causes, though its effectiveness in shaping migration remains contested. The recent curtailment of aid by the same governments advancing migration restrictions creates a pivotal moment to reconsider the role and design of aid programs. This volume contributes to that effort by offering a systematic assessment of the intersections between aid and international migration. It identifies four distinct pathways through which aid affects migration and a fifth feedback pathway through which migration influences the allocation of aid, providing a comprehensive framework for future research and policymaking.
The day after launching a full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, in a public speech addressed to multiple audiences, Putin called for the ‘overthrow’ of the Ukrainian government, which he labelled a ‘gang of narcomany (‘drug addicts’) and neo-Nazis’ (Roth, 2022). We will return to the significance of this speech later; here we would add to the picture that after Russia’s initial invasion of Ukraine in 2014, in all territories under Russian occupation, opioid agonist therapy (OAT) programmes were immediately shut down, reflecting their status as being also banned in Russia.
International investment law faces a paradigm shift with the rise of the digital economy. Emerging technologies such as blockchain, artificial intelligence, and the platform economy redefine investment dynamics while challenging traditional regulatory frameworks. Digitalisation expands cross-border investment opportunities in areas like AI, genomics, and smart infrastructure, while also complicating traditional jurisdictional and territorial considerations. The shift from physical to digital assets necessitates a re-evaluation of the classic definitions of an ‘investor’ and ‘investment’. Meanwhile, states increasingly regulate strategic digital assets under national security concerns, introducing measures ranging from data localization mandates to investment screening mechanisms. These changes raise geopolitical and geoeconomic tensions and highlight disparities in digital governance models between major powers. Investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) may have to adapt to address disputes over digital assets and data, as well as leverage AI and other digital technologies for efficiency while safeguarding due process. This chapter, along with the broader volume, examines these themes, emphasising balanced frameworks that promote innovation while safeguarding public interests in the evolving digital economy.
This book offers a timely and insightful exploration of security exceptions in international trade and investment law, focusing on the growing tension between national security measures and global economic stability. Through in-depth analysis and case studies of major global players, it uncovers how current practices are shaping international trade governance. The book examines the challenges posed by overly broad or narrow security exceptions, proposes practical reforms to improve legal clarity, and suggests ways to enhance cooperation between international organizations like the WTO and the UN. Aimed at policymakers, legal professionals, and scholars, this book provides valuable recommendations to help navigate the evolving landscape of global trade, offering concrete solutions to balance national security concerns with the need for economic cooperation.
From the rise of China as a technological superpower, to wars on its eastern borders, to the belief that the US is no longer a reliable ally, the European Commission sees the world as more unstable than at any other time in recent history. As such, the Commission has become the Geopolitical Commission, working to serve the interests of the Geopolitical Union. Central to many of these conflicts is technology – who produces it, where it is produced, and who controls it. These questions are central to the Commission's pursuit of digital/technological sovereignty, Europe's attempt to regain control of technology regulation. Focusing on topics such as setting technological standards, ensuring access to microchips, reining in online platforms, and securing rules for industrial data and AI, this book explores the EU's approach to lawmaking in this field; increased regulatory oversight and promotion of industrial policy at home, while exporting its rules abroad.
Chapter 7 considers the developments that have taken place since the beginning of the von der Leyen II Commission, identifying how there has not only been continuity in the EU’s approach to technology control and its links to digital sovereignty but also an expansion and reinforcement of the approach. Faced with increased instability and geopolitical threat, the linkage of security and economy has become even more explicit for the von der Leyen II Commission, with the Competitiveness Compass taking an approach that appears to be a more assertive form of regulatory mercantilism, in which the element of defence is specifically incorporated into the EU’s rationale for action, with an expansion of technology controls including the development of an explicit push for defence technology industrial policy, the increased control over external dependencies and supply chains through its Preparedness Strategy, and an AI policy for Europe that includes significant investments for AI gigafactories.
Chapter 3 moves to the global level, exploring the history of technology control and its historical links to geopolitics. It begins by considering control of technology in the context of the Cold War and technology as being explicitly considered a security issue in terms of the conflict between the US and the Soviet Union. It covers the CoCom technology restrictions imposed by the US, and Soviet Union attempts to gain access to critical technologies through Comecon, before considering how the approach to technology changed substantially with the end of the Cold War, the collapse of the Soviet Union, and the belief in the triumph of the liberal international order and globalism as reflected by the World Trade Organization and ‘free trade’. It then explores the multifaceted crises impacting upon this conviction in the benefits and resilience of the global trade system, the increased economic conflict between the US and China as a rising technological power, and a move from multilateralism in a ‘unipolar’ system to increased nationalism and protectionism in a ‘multipolar’ system, and what this meant for the EU’s sense of insecurity and vulnerability in the context of geopolitical reordering.
This chapter examines the discontinuous history of Chinese multinationals and their role in China’s evolving globalization. It highlights that China’s global engagement has been shaped by both market forces and geopolitical dynamics. The first wave, following the Opium Wars, saw Chinese firms competing unequally with Western multinationals, with growth ultimately limited by political forces. A resurgence occurred in the 1980s as China reengaged globally, leading to renewed overseas investment by Chinese firms. Currently, amid rising geopolitical tensions, Chinese multinationals are strategically reorienting investment from developed economies toward emerging markets. The chapter emphasizes the multifaceted impact of this globalization, but also a changing global landscape where politics and power are equally pivotal to understanding the trajectory of Chinese firms’ activities abroad.
This chapter traces how multinationals have historically navigated nationality-related challenges, adapting their strategies to evolving political, economic, and regulatory environments. It examines five key dimensions of nationality – corporate nationality, ownership nationality, home–host country relations, national management styles, and product perception – and their shifting importance over time. Early globalization fostered flexible corporate nationalities. However, World War I, rising economic nationalism, trade restrictions, and foreign direct investment regulations led multinationals to actively manage their corporate and ownership nationality. Regardless of increasing global economic integration since the 1970s, national affiliation remained relevant for market access, competitive advantage, and mitigating political risk. The aftermath of the global financial crisis, however, marked by renewed economic nationalism, prioritization of national interests, and identity politics as well as new geopolitical conflict created new nationality-related challenges.
This introduction paper for our special issue on Chinese multinational enterprises (CMNEs) situates the important theme of CMNE growth within the context of rapid technological innovation, intensified geopolitical tensions, and trade wars in the global business environment of the mid-2020s. Using this context as a backdrop, we discuss the growth of CMNEs to derive implications for international business (IB) theory. We review key theoretical perspectives that inform prior research on CMNEs and outline the key challenges confronting CMNEs’ international expansion, as gauged against prior research. We summarize key theoretical insights from the eight papers included in this special issue. We then illustrate how future research can be informed by an explicit consideration of the international sanctions and geopolitical tensions in which CMNEs operate, as well as by the growing technological, linguistic, and ideological distance between China and European and North American countries, which influences CMNEs’ international strategies. We conclude by noting that at this critical juncture in CMNEs’ development, there are substantial opportunities for the IB community to broaden research and challenge existing theories by capturing the latest trends in the international expansion of CMNEs.
Rare Earth Elements (REEs) are essential for green energy technologies and defense systems, yet global supply chains remain concentrated in China. This has intensified geopolitical competition for alternative sources, positioning the Arctic as a strategic frontier, as retreating ice exposes mineral deposits. A comprehensive discourse analysis of strategic documents, scholarly literature, and media sources from 2010 to 2025 reveals a dramatic shift from geological characterization and economic speculation to urgent securitization and strategic alliance formation. Academic research has evolved from establishing natural baselines to governance and social conflict analysis. Media coverage of REE in the Arctic peaked in 2025, with rising emphasis on governance, sovereignty, geopolitics, and Greenland’s strategic position. Critical gaps persist in addressing Indigenous rights, holistic impact assessments, and Arctic-specific innovation. Sustainable Arctic REE development requires integrated frameworks that balance geopolitical imperatives with environmental protection and Indigenous self-determination, preventing the region from becoming a sacrifice zone for global decarbonization.