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How should a constitutional state – one that respects subjects’ basic rights – treat civil disobedients? This chapter presents and critically engages with some of the most prominent answers legal scholars, political theorists, and philosophers have given to this question. On what I call punitive approaches, which I present in section 1, civil disobedience is first and foremost an act of resistance that threatens the constitutional order, and thus a public wrong worthy of punishment. Theorists of civil disobedience have challenged this approach since the 1960s, especially by conceiving of civil disobedience as a kind of dissent, which liberal democratic societies ought to and can ‘make room’ for. Sections 2 and 3 examine these ‘constitutionalizing’ approaches, with section 2 focusing on the case for leniency, and section 3 on the case for broad accommodation. Section 4 examines the costs of constitutionalizing approaches and reclaims the understanding of civil disobedience as a kind of resistance, alongside its uncivil counterparts, that is sometimes justified and even necessary in constitutional democracies.
On the face of it, total war would seem to be fundamentally and entirely at odds with the very notion of individual freedom. Yet the relationship between the two was more complicated than that. From the beginning of World War I, much propagandistic effort went into stressing the voluntariness of military or quasi-military service. At the same time, imposing discipline on complex societies triggered major tensions, unintended effects, and subversive behaviors, allowing for some unexpected gains in personal independence. In general, military conflicts exacerbated disputes about the very meaning of freedom – both while they were being fought and when they were being anticipated or commemorated. This chapter discusses three issues: the extent to which military mobilization and enemy occupation created room for female independence, the ways in which contemporaries understood conscription and soldiers coped with it, and the various means by which Europeans endeavored to free themselves from military conflict, from muddling through to principled resistance under Nazi occupation or during the Cold War.
Purple witchweed is a hemiparasitic plant that significantly affects sorghum yields in semiarid regions. It also affects crops such as corn, millets, and rice. Developing purple witchweed-resistant sorghum varieties is an essential element in integrated purple witchweed management. This study evaluated the response of 48 sorghum genotypes to purple witchweed grown both in pots and in field conditions. Resistant varieties (Berhan and Framida) and susceptible varieties (Assosa-1, Adukara, and ETSL102967) were used as controls. The findings revealed substantial variability among the sorghum landraces in their response to purple witchweed. Purple witchweed density was less when seeds were grown with early maturing sorghum genotypes, while late-maturing genotypes were more susceptible to the weed. Notably, the ETSL102969 landrace showed strong resistance, comparable to that of Berhan. Additionally, the ETSL102970 landrace demonstrated superior resistance to purple witchweed compared to Framida. Based on these results, ETSL102969 and ETSL102970 are recommended as valuable sources of resistance for breeding programs aiming to improve sorghum resistance against purple witchweed in Ethiopia.
Whole-body and regional raw bioelectrical impedance analysis (BIA) parameters have been used to develop lean soft tissue estimation prediction models. Still, no regional fat mass (FM) assessment models have been provided. Hence, we aimed to develop and validate BIA-derived equations to predict regional FM against dual-energy X-ray absorptiometry (DXA) in healthy adults. One hundred and forty-eight adults (77 females) were included in this cross-sectional investigation. DXA assessed whole-body and regional FM and raw bioelectrical parameters of distinct body regions were measured using a 50 kHz phase-sensitive BIA analyser. BIA-derived equations were developed for each sex using a stepwise multiple linear regression approach in 2/3 of the sample and cross-validated in the remaining sample. The BIA-derived equations exhibited moderate to very strong relationships (P < 0·001) with DXA-measured FM of all body regions in females (r = 0·650 to 0·907) and males (r = 0·401 to 0·807). Also, for all the models, no significant deviation from linearity was found (P > 0·10). Agreement analyses revealed no associations between the differences and the means of the predicted and DXA-derived FM. However, the limits of agreement were large, with individual errors exceeding 50 % in females and 70 % in males. While the new BIA-derived equations provide a valid estimate of regional FM in middle-aged healthy adults at the population level, demonstrating a cost-effective alternative to DXA for assessing regional FM, caution is advised when applying these equations for individual-level analysis.
This article analyses the depictions of immunity and immunological functions employed in proprietary medical advertising in British newspapers between 1890 and 1940. Using marketing copy to gain insights into the ways immunity was presented to the public and normalised outside of medical institutions and publications, I offer four main areas of discussion. First, I present an analysis of the ways advertisements evoked both natural and artificial immunity in their marketing copy, thereby affording us insights into the ways immunity was made palatable both to those supportive of and opposed to vaccinations. I then unpack the ways in which this advertising copy often emphasised immunity rather than the immunological, that is, presented immunity as resistance to infection achieved by purchasing particular brands, rather than as part of a defensive process taking place at a cellular level. Third, I examine the ways in which advertisements engaged with futurity and drew on a narrative of social exclusion that pitted created communities of the immune against the non-immune. Finally, I analyse the ways in which immunity was used to connect the biological and the psychological, looking particularly at the ways immunity against worry was sold to the public.
In our society there is a constant struggle between powerful, institutionalized hierarchies and people who try to resist them. Whether this resistance succeeds (either partially or completely) or fails, the struggle causes large-scale social change, including changes in morality and institutions and in how hierarchy and the struggle itself are conceived. In this book, Allen Buchanan analyzes the complex connections between the struggle for liberation from domination, ideology, and changes in morality and institutions, and develops a conflict theory of social change, which is systematically laid out in five clear components with a chapter dedicated to each. He examines the co-evolutionary and co-dependent nature of the struggle between hierarchs and resisters, and the appeals to morality which are routinely made by both sides. His book will be of interest to a broad readership of students and scholars in philosophy, history, political science, economics, sociology, and law.
Increasing attention has been recently devoted to treatment-resistant depression (TRD); however, its clinical characteristics, potential risk factors, and course are still debated. Most recently, childhood trauma exposure has been correlated to TRD, but systematic investigation on the role of lifetime trauma is still lacking. The aim of this paper was to revise current evidence on early and recent trauma exposure in TRD.
Methods
A systematic search was conducted from the 1st of June to the 20th of February 2024 in accordance with the PRISMA 2020 guidelines and using the electronic databases PubMed, Web of Science, and Embase.
Results
The primary database search produced a total of 1998 record, and finally, the search yielded a total of 22 publications, including 18 clinical studies, 3 case reports, and 1 case series, all from the period 2014 to 2024.
Limitations
Limitations include a small sample size of some studies and the lack of homogeneity in the definition of TRD. Furthermore, we only considered articles in English, we excluded preprints or abstracts, and we included case reports.
Conclusions
This review highlights the role of early and recent trauma in TRD, even in the absence of a full-blown post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), highlighting the need for a thorough assessment of trauma in patients with TRD and of its role as a therapeutic target.
This article addresses recent work on empire and colonisation which calls for a reappraisal of how agency and resistance manifests among groups responding to structural marginalisation. We argue that approaching these questions from within the colonial order reveals important idiosyncrasies regarding how groups understood resistance, agency, and popular organising as possible responses that emerged from within imperial landscapes. Using the example of race as a central regulatory category and practice of colonial power, we analyse two cases which we suggest benefit from an account of agency and resistance within colonial order: the Black Loyalists in English America and the Indigenous royalists of New Granada, two groups which pursued emancipation by choosing to remain under colonial rule. The resulting analysis produces a more dynamic account of resistance and emancipation which responds to the far-reaching influence of colonial order for resistance movements at local, national, and international levels. This account contributes to recent debates which call for theoretical analysis of “middle actors” and popular thinking as it relates to international politics, postcolonial movements, and studies of empire.
Systematically monitoring the baseline sensitivity of troublesome weeds to herbicides is a crucial step in the early detection of their market lifespan. Florpyrauxifen-benzyl is one of the most important herbicides used in rice production throughout the world, and has been used for 5 yr in China. Barnyardgrass is one of the main targeted weed species of florpyrauxifen-benzyl. In total, 114 barnyardgrass populations were collected from rice fields in Jiangsu Province, China, and using whole-plant bioassays they were screened for susceptibility to florpyrauxifen-benzyl. The GR50 values (representing the dose that causes a 50% reduction in fresh weight of aboveground parts) of florpyrauxifen-benzyl for all populations ranged from 1.0 to 34.5 g ai ha−1, with an average of 6.8 g ai ha−1, a baseline sensitivity dose of 3.3 g ai ha−1, and a baseline sensitivity index of 34.5. Twenty-one days after treatment with florpyrauxifen-benzyl at the labeled dose (36 g ai ha−1), 90% of the barnyardgrass populations exhibited >95% reductions in fresh weight of aboveground parts. Compared with the baseline sensitivity dose, 63, 44, and 7 populations had, respectively, no resistance (55%), low resistance (39%), and moderate resistance (6%) to florpyrauxifen-benzyl. Furthermore, the GR50 distribution of barnyardgrass populations did not show a significant correlation with collection location, planting method (direct-seeding or transplanting), or rice species (Oryza sativa L. ssp. indica or ssp. japonica) at any of rice fields where seeds had been collected (P > 0.05). In conclusion, florpyrauxifen-benzyl remains effective for barnyardgrass control in rice fields despite serious resistance challenges.
The chapter reviews the scholarly interpretations of abolition that have appeared in the last two decades. One group, influenced by Eric Williams, looks for economic motivations stemming from a decline of the British plantation sector; a second focuses on rebellions by slaves, the chief of which was that in St. Domingue, which gave birth to Haiti in 1802. Some in this category see the slaves freeing themselves. Others argue for long-run changes in public attitudes toward violence within Western Europe, especially England, that occurred in the 150 years after the British established their Caribbean plantations. In the eighteenth century the nascent London press began to report slaves resistance to enslavement both on board slave ships and in Caribbean colonies. These reports became more frequent and more detailed as the century progressed. Other cruelties such as burning at the stake, abandoning children, masters’ right to chastise their servants, and the lords’ power over their serfs (in mainland Europe) either ceased or became less frequently exercised. At the same time awareness of Africans and their forced use in the Americas as represented in the London press greatly increased after 1750. Where “slaves” meant English captives in North Africa at the beginning of the century, by 1800 the term referred to Blacks in the Americas.
This educational work was intended to inspire action. This chapter explores what some of this work catalysed, including mobilising songs by the group Akut Kuei, whose work inspired many young men to return to fight in the SPLA, to men and women sharing war news, organising fundraising and practical help for the rebel efforts, and other (often unclear or uncertain) efforts towards resistance. Not all of this work was for the SPLA; many young men organised for southern militia groups working in Khartoum or were inspired to return to family villages to fight in local militias against predation from the Sudan government and SPLA forces alike. Others (men and women) joined the SPLA’s New Sudan Brigade, or the pan-Sudanese and pan-Africanist underground organisations of the African National Front and the National Democratic Alliance, among other small political parties and ‘spying’ work. This chapter explores people’s various aims and self-justifications alongside their accounts of this work, with a close eye on the epistemological and methodological questions of these retrospective accounts of subversion.
The chapter outlines key principles in Cognitive CDA, which inherits its social theory from CDA and from cognitive linguistics inherits a particular view of language and a framework for analysing language (as well as other semiotic modes). In connection with CDA, the chapter describes the dialectical relationship conceived between discourse and society. Key concepts relating to the dialogicality of discourse are also introduced, namely intertextuality and interdiscursivity. The central role of discourse in maintaining power and inequality is described with a focus on the ideological and legitimating functions of language and conceptualisation. In connection with cognitive linguistics, the chapter describes the non-autonomous nature of language, the continuity between grammar and the lexicon and the experiential grounding of language. The key concept of construal and its implications for ideology in language and conceptualisation are discussed. A framework in which construal operations are related to discursive strategies and domain-general cognitive systems and processes is set out. The chapter closes by briefly introducing the main models and methods of Cognitive CDA.
The chapter addresses attentional distribution in conceptualisations of events. It argues that language directs attention over particular portions of an event-structure selecting certain elements for focal attention while conceptually backgrounding other elements. The ideological implications of attentional distribution are discussed with reference to mystification whereby either human agency in or the human impact of harmful social actions is obscured. Two case studies are presented. The first considers action-chain profiling in media coverage of fatalities on the Gaza border. It shows how attentional distributions evoked by intransitive, passive and agentless passive constructions as well as nominalisations conceptually background those responsible for the fatalities. It further shows the conceptual means by which the impact of violent actions may be mitigated. The second considers path-profiling in immigration discourse. It shows how different verb choices serve to highlight humanitarian motivations for migration versus the impact of migration on host countries and considers the role of metonymy in legitimating hostile immigration policies.
This chapter explores the political theory within this educational work. It draws on self-produced works, cassettes, photocopied pamphlets, song sheets, and lyric books collected from people’s own archives as they returned from Khartoum, and the interviews, group translations, and discussions of these works and photographs conducted during their collection. These texts, poems, and songs are engaged in critiques of their authors’ economic, political, racial, and social circumstances; they build competing political philosophies and set out a spectrum of ideas about the future. Together the discussions across these projects centred on the possible shape and extent of a new political community rooted in common Black experience of exploitation and marginalisation, versus a political community drawing on more specific ethnic or localised parameters, based on a more conservative and pessimistic reading of the war economy and its futures. At the same time it contains shared common critiques of the civic and moral failings of the wealthy, apathetic, culturally promiscuous, and politically ignorant.
Over a million southern Sudanese people fled to Sudan's capital Khartoum during the wars and famines of the 1980s, 1990s and 2000s. This book is an intellectual history of these war-displaced working people's political organising and critical theory during a long conflict. It explores how these men and women thought through their circumstances, tried to build potential political communities, and imagined possible futures. Based on ten years of research in South Sudan, using personal stories, private archives, songs, poetry, photograph albums, self-written histories, jokes and new handmade textbooks, New Sudans follows its idealists' and pragmatists' variously radical, conservative, and creative projects across two decades on the peripheries of a hostile city. Through everyday theories of Blackness, freedom and education in a long civil war, Nicki Kindersley opens up new possibilities in postcolonial intellectual histories of the working class in Africa.
Plant secondary metabolites (PSMs) may improve gastrointestinal health by exerting immunomodulatory, anti-inflammatory and/or antiparasitic effects. Bark extracts from coniferous tree species have previously been shown to reduce the burden of a range of parasite species in the gastrointestinal tract, with condensed tannins as the potential active compounds. In the present study, the impact of an acetone extract of pine bark (Pinus sylvestris) on the resistance, performance and tolerance of genetically diverse mice (Mus musculus) was assessed. Mice able to clear an infection quickly (fast responders, BALB/c) or slowly (slow responders, C57BL/6) were infected orally with 200 infective third-stage larvae (L3) of the parasitic nematode Heligmosomoides bakeri or remained uninfected (dosed with water only). Each infection group of mice was gavaged for 3 consecutive days from day 19 post-infection with either bark extract or dimethyl sulphoxide (5%) as vehicle control. Oral administration of pine bark extract did not have an impact on any of the measured parasitological parameter. It did, however, have a positive impact on the performance of infected, slow-responder mice, through an increase in body weight (BW) and carcase weight and reduced feed intake by BW ratio. Importantly, bark extract administration had a negative impact on the fast responders, by reducing their ability to mediate the impact of parasitism through reducing their performance and tolerance. The results indicate that the impact of PSMs on parasitized hosts is affected by host's genetic susceptibility, with susceptible hosts benefiting more from bark extract administration compared to resistant ones.
Sulfadoxine-pyrimethamine (SP) is the standard of care for Plasmodium falciparum malaria chemoprevention among pregnant women, infants and children. Developing alternative chemoprevention products and other prevention products, such as vaccines and monoclonal antibodies, requires significant investment. However, knowledge gaps surrounding the activity of SP and resistance put these investments at risk. Therefore, we reviewed SP’s combined antimalarial action, including the individual antiplasmodial components, other antimicrobial effects, impact on malaria immunity development and continued effectiveness in settings with high SP resistance. We created a roadmap of non-clinical and clinical evidence to better understand the effectiveness of SP for chemoprevention and inform the development of new prevention tools.
The Conclusion argues that, taken together, the AKP’s combined authoritarian securitisation state is predicated on five authoritarian securitisation logics:1) repressive protection of the state; 2) cruel retributive punishment; 3) centralised and mass lateral control; 4) self-regulation through informalised rule of law; and 5) biosecuritisation as a doubled form of civic death. I then examine present-day global empirics concerning the global system of securitisation to argue that the differences between democratic and authoritarian governance are increasingly more of degree than kind. Asking the question of what next, I look briefly at signs of democratic optimism visible in Turkish citizen’s capacity for resilience and innovative resistance.
The role that Roma communities played in the Resistance during the Second World War is a little-known part of history, especially in Italy. Through consideration of their involvement, we can highlight the complexity of the Resistance, and recognise Roma communities as an integral part of Italian society. Roma involvement in the Resistance had distinctive characteristics compared to that of the gagi (non-Roma), particularly in how they viewed it not only as a fight against fascism, but also it as a means of honouring the mulé (the dead). However, only a handful of Roma partisans are recorded in the Ricompart archive, which contains documentation relating to those who participated in Resistance activities. To trace history, personal testimony, in addition to secondary historiography, is key. Roma communities share a rich oral tradition, which forms the basis of a significant part of this article, and which offers an account of civil resistance and armed action both within partisan groups and as part of small formations based on ethnicity. This piece examines the reasons why the Roma partisans who fought and died in the Resistance did not receive full public recognition, a form of historical amnesia of the postwar period rooted in the absence of a cultural ‘defascistisation’ whereby fascist-style racism permeated the Republic.