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  • Cited by 4
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    Rubinsohn, Wolfgang Zeev 1993. Mithradates VI eupator dionysos and Rome's conquest of the hellenistic East. Mediterranean Historical Review, Vol. 8, Issue. 1, p. 5.


    2013. Mamlukica.


    Smith, Anthony D. 1989. The origins of nations. Ethnic and Racial Studies, Vol. 12, Issue. 3, p. 340.


    Tavakoli‐Targhi, Mohamad 1996. Contested memories: narrative structures and allegorical meanings of Iran's pre‐islamic history. Iranian Studies, Vol. 29, Issue. 1-2, p. 149.


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  • Volume 3: The Seleucid, Parthian and Sasanid Periods, Part 2
  • Edited by E. Yarshater

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    The Cambridge History of Iran
    • Volume 3: The Seleucid, Parthian and Sasanid Periods, Part 2
    • Edited by E. Yarshater
    • Online ISBN: 9781139054959
    • Book DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521246934
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Book description

The third volume, published in two parts, is an account of every aspect of Iranian civilisation from the death of Alexander in 323 BC to the advent of Islam in the seventh century AD. This complex period, of major importance in Iranian history and extending for almost a thousand years, encompasses the reigns of the Seleucid, the Parthian, the Kushan and Sasanian dynasties. As additions to the general objectives of these volumes, Professor Yarshater has included in this volume chapters on the institutional, administrative, legal, numismatic, linguistic and literary aspects of the period; and he further develops the scope of the volume by including studies of Iran's interaction with neighbouring societies, of Iran's mythical and legendary history, and of Iranian settlements outside the geographical boundaries of Iran and Afghanistan. This volume is the most comprehensive study published of this very important period of Iran's history.

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  • 18 - IRANIAN SOCIETY AND LAW
    pp 625-680
    • By A. Perikhanian, Institute of Oriental Studies, Academy of Sciences, Leningrad
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521246934.002
  • View abstract
    Summary
    This chapter deals with the law, especially in Sasanian times, and with the picture gained from it of the social structure and organization of Parthian and Sasanian Iran. Ancient Iranian law, like all ancient law, was sanctified by a religious ethic and constituted a part of the ethic. Iranian law had gone through a considerable evolution, along with Iranian society. The structure of the society evolved through a process of social and property stratification which began under Achaemenians and even earlier. The chapter talks about Iranian society in four aspects: the division into social estates; citizenship and lack of citizenship; class and legal status organizational structures. The economic development of Iran, the increasing complexity of production and commerce, opened up ever new possibilities for the exploitation of slaves and stimulated the recognition of some legal standing for slaves.
  • 19 - POLITICAL, SOCIAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE INSTITUTIONS, TAXES AND TRADE
    pp 681-746
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521246934.003
  • View abstract
    Summary
    The written sources for the organization of the state in Parthian and early Sasanian times are various and heterogeneous. Extensive and especially valuable material can be drawn from works on Sasanian law, various religious and historical works of the Sasanian and post-Sasanian periods, and also from Arabo-Persian historical and geographical writings. The political and ideological conceptions of the royal authority in Parthian and Sasanian periods were based on one of the principal features of the Zoroastrian patrilineal community. The transfer of power in Iran from the Parthian to the Sasanian dynasty, which first took power in the kingdom of Persis, gave expression to an extremely critical situation in that country, conditioned by the general economic and social crisis of the 3rd century. The caravan trade was the axis of the economy of the Parthian state. Taxes and dues were collected by tax-farmers under the supervision of the archons, dekaprotoi and syndics.
  • 20 - GEOGRAPHICAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE DIVISIONS: SETTLEMENTS AND ECONOMY
    pp 747-777
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521246934.004
  • View abstract
    Summary
    The city of Istakhr served as an administrative and religious centre from Achaemenian times. The Sasanian west comprised the regions largely inhabited by an Aramaic-speaking population but including both settled and nomadic Arabs. The Semitic inhabitants of this region are divided by Strabo into Chaldeans and Mesenian Arabs. The raiding, nomadic Arabs to the west must have added to the population, and the Nabataean and Palmyrene merchants as well. Sasanian control of the trade route through Tukharistan was complemented by hegemony in the Gulf and as far as the Indus. The urban development of Asüristän under the Iranians focused on the demographic centre of the province. The Parthians and Sasanians continued the maintenance and development of the ancient irrigation canals from the Dujail in the north to the Shapur-kandag, which continued into Meshan. The establishment of Sasanian predominance in the Caucasus provided an added weapon against Rome.
  • 21(a) - TIME-RECKONING
    pp 778-791
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521246934.005
  • View abstract
    Summary
    Every method of time-reckoning uses and combines three natural time elements: day, lunation, and year. In the time of Cyrus, who united the lands of Iran, and for centuries afterward, kings and their subjects generally dated events and documents by reference to the regnal year. The regnal year naturally starts at the accession of a king and runs until the return of the same day-date in the course of time. The earliest extant evidence for the Achaemenian time-reckoning comes from the Behistun inscription of Darius I. The Achaemenians used the Babylonian calendar throughout their empire or, at least, in the western satrapies and Egypt. The history of the 'Zoroastrian' year before the Sasanians remains unknown except the bare fact that the Zoroastrian calendar terminology was already used. The Zoroastrian calendar is not an exercise in amateur astronomy but a tool the origin and use of which is determined by the needs of the society that practices the time-reckoning.
  • (b) - IRANIAN FESTIVALS
    pp 792-816
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521246934.006
  • View abstract
    Summary
    Festivals are a characteristic part of Zoroastrianism, and there are no fast days in this religion, according to whose tenets hunger belongs, with sorrow, to the Devil. No Roz is the most joyous and beautiful of the Zoroastrian feasts, a spring festival invested with especial religious significance. Historically No Roz was probably an ancient pan-Iranian spring festival, reconsecrated by Zoroaster. Other ancient festivals were dedicated to individual yazads, the lesser divine beings who helped under Ohrmazd to further the good creation. The Arsacids themselves were demonstrably good Zoroastrians, and in some details of doctrine apparently more orthodox than their successors, the Sasanians. The establishment of the five-day gahambars probably belongs to the second Sasanian calendar reform. The calendars and therefore the festivals of other Zoroastrian peoples at that epoch were affected by the first Persian calendar reforms. The festivals were the great holy days of Parthian and Sasanian Iran.
  • 22 - DEVELOPMENT OF RELIGIOUS THOUGHT
    pp 817-865
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521246934.007
  • View abstract
    Summary
    This chapter considers the development of religious thought in Iran, and examines the interaction of various strands of religious thinking in the Hellenistic period. A factor which inevitably stimulated religious development was the founding in the territory of the fallen Achaemenian empire of Greek cities endowed with the constitution of a polis. Hellenistic religion contains fewer Iranian elements in Iran itself than it does outside Iran, for example, in Asia Minor. The Magians accelerated a certain internationalizing of Iranian folk-religion. One should look to the Magians of Persis in order to detect a clearly national Iranian basis in the Oracles of Hystaspes. The prophecies of the Oracles of Hystaspes remained alive in Parthian times and must have been disseminated in the Parthian empire. In the investigation of a specifically Iranian background to gnosis, the point used to be gnosis in its stage of perfection, namely Manichaeism, as it appears in the Middle Persian accounts preserved in the Turfan texts.
  • 23 - ZOROASTRIAN RELIGION
    pp 866-908
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521246934.008
  • View abstract
    Summary
    In consequence of Alexander's conquest, Iranian religious manifestations were almost completely submerged under the wave of Hellenism. The coinage of the Seleucid and Arsacid periods does not represent a single Iranian deity. All the Zoroastrian temples were dedicated to the supreme god of Zoroastrianism, Ohrmazd. Papak was a high-priest of Anahita at Stakhr. With his son Ardashir, founder of the Sasanian dynasty, religion ascends the throne of Iran. Priesthood being hereditary, full religious teaching was only handed down in the priestly families by the father to those of his sons who were destined to succeed him in his charge. The child had therefore to be taught these texts, which introduced him to the chief tenets of Mazdaism. Zurvanism is reflected, however indirectly, in the Mazdean cosmogony and theology. In Mazdean orthodoxy, when Ohrmazd creates the material world, he produces at first, from Infinite Light, a form of fire, out of which all things are to be born.
  • 24 - JEWS IN IRAN
    pp 909-923
    • By J. Neusner, Brown University, Providence, R.I.
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521246934.009
  • View abstract
    Summary
    Jews settled in the Tigris-Euphrates river system long before the region fell under the rule of Iranian governments, and they remained long afterward. The Seleucids gave Babylonian Jews no reason to support the Macca-bean revolt. Parthian inheritance of eastern Seleucid lands and the achievement of independence by Palestinian Jewry reciprocally aided one another and produced a common interest among the two peoples. Jewish and Christian traditions explain the persecution of Christianity and Judaism as motivated by Iranian religious fanaticism, the Iranian account has the Jews mistreating Magi. The destruction of the Jewish Temple-government in Jerusalem and its replacement by the Roman-controlled patriarchate necessitated the reconsideration of Jewish administration at home. For Jewish magic, the biblical account of creation suggested that great magical power was attached to the use of the divine name. The Mesopotamian Jews whom Aphrahat described were totally outside the influence of characteristically rabbinic doctrines.
  • 25 - CHRISTIANS IN IRAN
    pp 924-948
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521246934.010
  • View abstract
    Summary
    The young Christianity became a missionary church whose history is recorded in the Acts of the Apostles. During the first half of the 3rd century, the number of Christians became so large that the non-Christian state was forced to regard them as a potential element of unrest. The Christians in Iran found it necessary in the latter half of the 3rd century to amalgamate the hitherto independent communities into Church areas, dioceses, and to establish their boundaries and spheres of influence. The official documentation of the division of Iranian Christianity into provinces with a metropolitan as leader appeared in the documents of the synod of 410. The assumption of power by the Sasanian dynasty brought about a national and religious renaissance with far-reaching consequences in foreign and internal policies. With the accession of Yazdgard I a period of reconstruction and peace began for the Christian Church, directly caused by the clash of interests between Yazdgard and the Zoroastrian priesthood.
  • 26 - BUDDHISM AMONG IRANIAN PEOPLES
    pp 949-964
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521246934.011
  • View abstract
    Summary
    The Buddhist community was eventually divided into numerous sects, and the accounts of the councils show that the seeds of this discord were present from the beginning. The attempt to spread the knowledge of Buddhism was a deliberate policy adopted by Asoka. Visible evidence of the flourishing of Buddhism in the north-west under Asoka is provided by the remains of his considerable building activity. The final demise of Buddhism in eastern Iran and Afghanistan was caused by the rise of Islam and the Arab invasions from the 7th century onwards. Evidence has been found of the early existence of Buddhism at Miran, south of Lob Nor, almost certainly part of the kingdom of Shan-shan. Sanskrit was regarded as to some extent the sacred language of Buddhism. Sanskrit manuscripts have been found in the Khotan region, and many of them betray the influence of Iranian speech. Buddhism was flourishing more in Khotan than in India.
  • 27(a) - MANICHAEISM AND ITS IRANIAN BACKGROUND
    pp 965-990
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521246934.012
  • View abstract
    Summary
    Mānī, the founder of Manichaeism, was born in AD 216 in the village of Mardinu in the Babylonian district of Nahr Kutha. This chapter considers the oldest layer of Mandaean literature, where one find, as designations of the several highest principles. The religion of the Mandaeans is heterogenous in its traditions and it is quite possible that it had its origin among these gnostic baptists, a group with marked ascetic tendencies. The expositions of Manichaeism, because of its two aspects, fall into two groups: one presenting the system in a concrete form and with the help of mythical plasticity, the other giving a more intellectual form to its doctrines. The description of the awakening of Adam is even in detail exactly the same as in Mandaean literature. The constant fight between Good and Evil, between Light and Darkness, culminates, exactly as in Iranian religion, in a final, terrible war, called in Manichaeism 'the Great War'.
  • (b) - MAZDAKISM
    pp 991-1024
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521246934.013
  • View abstract
    Summary
    Mazdakism was a gnostic religious movement with strong social implications which flourished during the reign of Kavād. The sources on Mazdakite religion may be roughly divided into contemporary and post-Sasanian. A second stage in the history of the sect is reached with Mazdak son of Bāmdād. The third stage of the Mazdakite movement begins with the introduction of Islam in Iran. The sources presented, focusing on the Mazdakite social doctrine, are conspicuously reticent on Mazdakite theology. Shahristānī's precious account, concise as it is, puts in relief the character and basic tenets of Mazdakite theology. The transformation of an ethical, pacifistic doctrine aimed at the salvation of souls into a militant ideology bent on correcting society. From the Khurrami doctrine one have learnt that the Neo-Mazdakites, like the Batinis, also believed in cyclical periods of revelation and in an allegorical interpretation of the resurrection.
  • 28 - PARTHIAN ART
    pp 1025-1054
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521246934.014
  • View abstract
    Summary
    This chapter deals with Parthian art and attempts to bring into focus the characteristics of this art which set it so conspicuously apart from that of the preceding age. The Macedonian conquest of the Orient turned Achaemenian Iran into hellenized Iran. In the 6th century BC, with the Achaemenians achieving for the first time the political unity of the civilized countries of the Ancient Near East, the arts of the area had reached the last stage of their development. Achaemenian art is contemporary with classical Greek art. In the east, the three sites of Kuh-i Khwaja, of Khalchayan, and Surkh Kotal may be considered samples of the architecture of late Parthian times, Surkh Kotal being apparently the latest of the three. The lavish tombs recently discovered in Northern Afghanistan raise the hope that a more precise dating may be possible.
  • 29(a) - SASANIAN ART
    pp 1055-1112
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521246934.015
  • View abstract
    Summary
    The art of the Sasanian period begins, officially, with Ardashlr's accession to the throne of the last Parthian ruler of Iran at Ctesiphon in the year 226 AD. Ardashir's palace at Fírüzábád, representing in monumental form, a style and technique which had apparently evolved in Fárs in more modest scale in the preceding centuries, already embodied all the basic elements of Sasanian architecture. There are a few small sculptures in semi-precious stone which, because of their size and the precious material, form a bridge between the fields of sculpture and that of glyptic art. The only known Sasanian sculpture in the semi-precious stone is the charming little elephant in the hunting scenes at Tàq-i Bustan, from the Herzfeld collection, now in the Metropolitan Museum of Art. The recent finds attributed to the Dailaman region have included several oval bowls in rock crystal.
  • (b) - SASANIAN SILVER
    pp 1113-1129
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521246934.016
  • View abstract
    Summary
    The place of Sasanian silver in the history of pre-Islamic Near-Eastern art has always been a prominent one. The large collection of vessels housed in the Hermitage Museum and the smaller ones in the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris, the British Museum in London, and the Staatliche Museen in Berlin were catalogued in the early 1900s. The rock carvings of the 3rd and 4th centuries were undoubtedly produced in response to the political situation within Iran and served to glorify the deeds of the rulers. The most reliable method of establishing the date of Sasanian silver is through an analysis of small iconographical details. In establishing a chronology for Sasanian silver, much emphasis falls on a comparison between the figures on the plates and the royal images on Sasanian coins. Throughout the Sasanian period, various forms of royal headgear existed other than those on the coins.
  • 30 - The Development of the Arts in Transoxiana
    pp 1130-1148
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521246934.017
  • View abstract
    Summary
    Archaeological discoveries in Transoxiana suggest a twofold relationship between Iran and its eastern neighbours in the early Middle Ages. While the art and architecture of Transoxiana display stylistic, thematic and typological links with the traditions of Parthian and Sasanian Iran, there are distinctive differences between them. A strong secular trend generally pervades the art and architecture of Sogdiana and distinguishes this tradition from that of Buddhist and Hindu India and the official canons of the court art of Iran. This secular trend in the folk art of Transoxiana resulted in a complex and brilliant series of narrative wall-paintings that have been uncovered in both public and domestic structures in several Sogdian town sites. For Sogdiana the 6th to the 8th century represented an age of exceptional prosperity and cultural growth reflected in new building projects that included the founding of new towns and the restoration and enlargement of older structures.
  • 31 - PARTHIAN WRITINGS AND LITERATURE
    pp 1149-1165
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521246934.018
  • View abstract
    Summary
    The Parthians had their own distinctive system of writing, attested from the beginning of the 1st century BC, a development evidently of the chancellery script of the Achaemenians. This script was in origin Aramaic, and had been used under the Achaemenians to write Imperial Aramaic, the administrative language of their empire. The use of the Parthian language and script is attested at a place far removed from Nisa, namely the village of Avroman in the southwest of Iran. A number of rock-carvings of the Parthian period have been found in Khüzistän, in which figure-sculptures are accompanied by brief identifying inscriptions in the local type of Aramaic language. Greek literature was undoubtedly to some extent known and even cultivated by the Parthians, but it does not appear to have influenced their own traditional types of composition. The secular literature of Parthia appears to have been almost wholly in verse, sung, and accompanied by a musical instrument.
  • 32(a) - ZOROASTRIAN PAHLAVĪ WRITINGS
    pp 1166-1195
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521246934.019
  • View abstract
    Summary
    Wisdom literature, common to most Middle Eastern cultures, was greatly cultivated by the priests and the scribal class and included religious, ethical, and practical precepts, maxims and epigrams, as well as gnomic observations. History was considered by the Sasanians an important branch of knowledge, but not so much an impartial record of events as a means of validating social and political ideals and institutions, and for personal edification. The state of Zoroastrian writings in Middle Persian is paradoxical in that they represent the literature of a religious minority in its country of origin, where it had once been supreme. Pahlavi literature was almost entirely inspired by the body of scriptural texts in Avestan language known as the Avesta. The chronology of the commentators of the Sasanian period includes the names of some who lived in the reign of Khusrau I.
  • (b) - THE MANICHAEAN MIDDLE PERSIAN WRITINGS
    pp 1196-1204
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521246934.020
  • View abstract
    Summary
    The impact of Manichaeism on Middle Iranian literature has been considered in connection with Parthian but although Mānī was himself of Parthian blood, Middle Persian was in fact the first language which the prophet used in seeking to spread his faith in Iran. The Manichaean missions to Persia and Parthia were quite independent of one another, and established separate literary traditions, with their own renderings of all the canonical works, and a distinct secondary literature. The Iranian versions which survive are mostly in Sogdian, but there are a few examples also in Middle Persian and Parthian. The greater part of the Middle Persian Manichaean literature, like the Parthian, is, however, in verse, much of which appears to be original, although influenced in certain formal respects by Aramaic models. Poetry is evidently an older and far more widely cultivated literary form in Iran than prose, and traditionally it was sung or 'chanted rather than recited.
  • (c) - MIDDLE PERSIAN INSCRIPTIONS
    pp 1205-1215
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521246934.021
  • View abstract
    Summary
    The small quantity of epigraphic material hitherto recovered in Pahlavi, that is, Sasanian Middle Persian, could easily be accommodated in a single publication. The period which follows the great royal inscriptions of the 3rd century is illuminated only by short inscriptions. Shapur Saganshah was responsible for two brief texts discovered at Persepolis which date from the beginning of the 4th century. The inscription recently found at Mishkinshahr probably belongs to Shapur and Shapur III caused a short text to be carved in the grotto of Taq-i Bustan. The inscription describing the construction of a bridge at Firuzabad by Mihr-Narseh is the last of the royal inscriptions, belonging to the first half of the 5 th century. The inscription describing the construction of a bridge at Firuzabad by Mihr Narseh is the last of the royal inscriptions, belonging to the first half of the 5 th century.
  • 33 - SOGDIAN LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE
    pp 1216-1229
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521246934.022
  • View abstract
    Summary
    The oldest known references to the region of Sogdiana occur in the Old Persian inscriptions and in the Avesta. The surviving documents show that depending on the time, place and purpose of composition several types of scripts were used for the notation of Sogdian. Three main types can be distinguished each of which originated in one or another variety of the Semitic-Aramaic alphabet which is at the basis of most pre-Islamic Iranian writing systems. The first type was used for documentary materials of a non-literary nature and for Buddhist texts. The second type represents a variety of the Palmyrene script used for the writing of Manichaean texts in Sogdian as well as in Middle Persian, Parthian, New Persian, Kuchean and Uighur. The third type, based on the Syriac Estrangelo script, was used for the writing of texts of Christian content.
  • 34 - KHOTANESE SAKA LITERATURE
    pp 1230-1243
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521246934.023
  • View abstract
    Summary
    Saka languages are known in documents from Khotan and Tumshuq, north-east of Kàshghar, belonging to the pre-Islamic period and in languages of Shughnàn, Ròshnàn, Mujàn and Wakhan of the Pamir region, recorded during the 19th century. The documents from Khotan and Tumshuq in the Saka are partly from private correspondence, partly from the of Khotan dealing with administration; but more largely from the Viharas, the centres of learning, monasteries. The literary works are predominantly translations from Prakrit or Buddhist Sanskrit books, but the writers also adapted Buddhist texts and essayed original compositions. Khotan had early in the Buddhist period in Central Asia importance as the centre from which the Indian ideas were disseminated throughout Asia. To Khotan, scholars came from China to receive and study the new faith. In Tokharian, Saka words testify to the cultural pre-eminence of Khotan before the 7th century.
  • 35 - KHWARAZMIAN LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE
    pp 1244-1249
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521246934.024
  • View abstract
    Summary
    Chorasmia, one of the provinces of the Achaemenian Empire, which provided a dark blue stone to adorn the palace of Darius at Susa, yet receives only a late mention by name in the Zoroastrian scriptures. Although many coins, inscriptions on clay and silver vessels, and documents on wood and leather have been excavated in the last four decades by Soviet archaeologists, very few have so far been satisfactorily published. It is clear that all these texts are written in a script derived, like those of the indigenous Parthian and Sogdian of Chorasmia's neighbour lands, from the Aramaic script which had pervaded all the territories of the Persian Empire. As in all Iranian languages using the Aramaic script, ideograms still conceal a number of indigenous words, and even those spelt phonetically may in fact enshrine an earlier pronunciation. One noticeable fact about Khwarazmian is the closeness of some of its vocabulary to Avestan.
  • 36 - BACTRIAN LITERATURE
    pp 1250-1258
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521246934.025
  • View abstract
    Summary
    The Nokonzok inscription shows that in the 2nd century AD, Bactrian was a Middle Iranian language. It had probably reached the Middle Iranian stage two or three centuries earlier in common with Persian and other Iranian languages. The Old Iranian stage of Bactrian is not attested. That was the stage at which the language must have been when in 519 BC. Darius claimed Bactria as one of his provinces and even earlier, in pre-Achaemenian time, when in the words of an Avestan text the country was beautiful Bactria with raised banners, a description that would suit a breakaway country, broken away, perhaps, from the Chorasmian empire. The Bactrian orthography in Greek letters of the Nokonzok inscription is fairly rigid. Palaeographically, the Bactrian cursive script is thought to derive from the monumental script found in the inscriptions of Surkh Kotal.

Page 1 of 2


This list contains references from the content that can be linked to their source. For a full set of references and notes please see the PDF or HTML where available.


F. Cumont Une lettre du roi Artaban III à la ville de Suse”, Comptes rendus de l'Académie des inscriptions et belles lettres (Paris) 1932, pp. 238–60.

D. N. MacKenzie The Origins of Kurdish”, Transactions of the Philological Society (London) 1961, pp. 68–86.

R. Duthoy The Taurobolium. Leiden, 1969 (Etudes preliminaries aux religions orientales dans l'Empire romain (Leiden) 10).

K. Rudolph Theogonie, Kosmogonie und Anthropogonie in den mandäischen Schriften. Göttingen, 1965 (Forschungen zur Religion und Literatur des Alten und Neuen Testamentes 88).

M. J. Vermaseren Corpus Inscriptionum et Monumentorum Religionis Mithriacae, 2 vols. The Hague, 1956–60.

G. Widengren Iranische-semitische Kulturbegegnung in parthischer Zeit. Cologne, 1960.

K. Schippmann Die iranischen Feuerheiligtümer. Berlin, 1971.

H. Waldmann Die kommageniscben Kultreformen unter König Mithradates I Kallinikos und seinem sohne Antiochus I. Leiden, 1973 (Études préliminaires aux religions orientales dans I'empire romain 34).

Aristotle. Politics, ed. and tr. H. Rackham. Cambridge, Mass.–London, 1932 (Loeb Classical Library).

W. B. Henning The Ancient Language of Azerbaijan”, Transactions of the Philological Society (London) 1954 (1955), pp. 157–77.

I. T. Kruglikova Fouilles de Dilberdjin en Bactriane”, Comptes rendus de l'Académie des inscriptions et belles lettres (Paris) 1977, pp. 407–27; photograph of a newly discovered Bactrian inscription on p. 415.

G. Quispel Makarius, das Thomasevangelium und das Lied von der Perle. Leiden, 1967.

R. Turcan Mithras Platonicus. Leiden, 1975 (Etudes preliminaries aux religions orientales dans l'Empire romain (Leiden) 47).

D. Whitehouse and A. Williamson Sasanian Maritime Trade”, Iran XI (1973).

G. Widengren Der Feudalismus im alien Iran. Uppsala, 1969 (Studia Ethnographica Uppsaliensia 1–5).