This chapter examines the mounting unease regarding the project of public education. By the mid-1960s, technocratic, Afrocentric, and Marxist critiques articulated a growing sense of worldwide educational crisis. These critiques presented differently in Ghana and Côte d’Ivoire, but in both countries popular frustrations were palpable. In response, both states attempted to reform public schooling: by introducing manual training in Ghanaian middle schools and television sets in Ivorian primary schools. Both reforms failed spectacularly, ultimately confirming the state’s abdication of its promise that education would lead to a better future for all. Public education systems crumbled along with public faith in the state, creating space for the privatization of education. The erosion of the anticolonial development ideology helped pave the way for neoliberalism to take root.

Chapters 2 and 3 form the ethnographic heart of the book, exploring the economic niches that form an informal welfare system largely reserved for disabled people. Chapter 2 considers brokering at the Kinshasa-Brazzaville border, an activity viewed by some as ‘given’ by the state as a form of compensation for the lack of social welfare. Examining in detail the dynamics of community and the activities performed at the border, the chapter shows how the social values underpinning personal relationships were tested in the moral dilemmas over a common rhetoric of individualism: ‘fending-for-yourself’ rather than caring for mutually dependent relationships. A moral emphasis on the value and nature of professional relationships was shaped by the knowledge that life and work at the border might only ever be a temporary arrangement, as the most dramatic incarnations of ’crisis’ (mpiaka) drew attention to the temporal frame in which these value debates took place.

No act better distilled the two faces of independence – its aspirations and disappointments – than the act of going to school. This chapter examines the expansion of schooling, and its inherent precarity, in the first decades after independence. Relying heavily on local sources and oral histories, this chapter focuses on the lived and affective experiences of students. It argues that repeated assurances by the state that schooling held the key to a better future consistently jarred with the experience of most school-goers. So palpable were these schooling pressures, that in the early 1960s, Western psychiatrists identified a new, regionally specific mental disorder, Brain Fag [fatigue] Syndrome, to account for the stress students experienced. The rapid, but uneven, expansion of schooling indicated who was excluded from the larger development project of the nation.

Between World War II and independence, roughly 1945 to 1960, anticolonial activists successfully elucidated a link between the spread of Europhone education and freedom from colonial rule. This chapter frames African decolonization as also a Black Atlantic emancipation to reveal why educational aspirations were so central to mid twentieth-century anticolonial imaginings.

The Conclusion first reiterates the three main arguments of the book. It then surveys changes and continuities in global education and development policies since the 1960s, while also touching on the present state of public education in Ghana and Côte d’Ivoire. It closes by reflecting on education’s double-edged nature as it relates to the problem of freedom: Does education emancipate, or oppress?

This chapter examines the foreign teacher recruitment strategies mobilized by Ghana and Côte d’Ivoire. Economists and politicians agreed that secondary schools were crucial for producing the skilled workers essential to development. But new nations faced an intractable roadblock as they sought to expand secondary schools: a deficit of local teachers. Ghana and Côte d’Ivoire found different solutions to the crisis of teacher scarcity, although both relied on foreigners. Ghana turned to plural sources of generally inexperienced educators. Côte d’Ivoire, instead, leaned on French teachers available through technical assistance (or coopération). Both strategies responded to the maddening paradox of the postcolonial teacher: a role that West Africans agreed was essential, but which few opted to pursue. Ultimately, the reliance on foreign teachers contributed to the corrosion of the emancipatory project of public education.

Chapter 4 examines local concepts of right(s), dissecting the ways in which brokering and begging were viewed as charitable compensations for the lack of government protection for disabled people, but claimed by the recipients as forms of work. Aspiring to have their activities recognised as rights, they spoke a local language of entitlement that conflated the value of independent work with the ethical and political right to care, asserting obligatory rights or taxes, against the donors’ perception of gifts. The language of ‘rights’ is a space of mutual evaluation, a rich and powerful language for discussing issues of inequality, membership, personhood, welfare, and power in Kinshasa today. It is perhaps most significant as a claim for distribution than as a legal premise of entitlements. Here, the question of a rightful share becomes pertinent, as givers and receivers evoked differing views on the same transaction that expressed contradictory aspirations and values. In the absence of formal institutions to enforce informal disability privileges, people had to recognise the right to be beggars or brokers on an interpersonal level, requiring constant value tests on whether claims to assistance were legitimate. The chapter thus disrupts the classic Maussian focus on giving and production to consider the moral and political controversies associated with asking and distribution.