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Over the twentieth century, a college education increasingly functioned as a ladder to professional occupations and ample-paying employment. Until the GI Bill, access to college remained tightly limited, although the expansion mostly served White matriculants.
In the 1970s, tuition, room, and board (TRB) rates remained beyond the financial grasp of talented young adults from low-wealth families. Lois Dickson Rice, herself a first-generation college student, worked tirelessly to expand access to college and eventually persuaded Congress to fund what became known as Pell Grants. These awards were distributed inversely to household income and given directly to the recipients, who could then decide where to enroll.
At one time, maximum Pell awards could finance nearly 40 or 80 percent, respectively, of the TRB costs of attending a private or public four-year college. Over the past half century, the Pell Program has assisted tens of millions of students from marginalized communities enroll and graduate from college.
This chapter examines how the promise of Pell unraveled. Middle-class parents wondered why their kids did not benefit. The Clinton Administration shifted emphasis toward using tax policies to assist families with the cost of college. Enrollment management strategies shifted institutional aid from need-based to merit-based aid.
Six tax expenditures can trace their existence to the enactment of the federal income tax. Swept into office after nearly a half century of Republican control, Democrats moved quickly to enact a tax on incomes. Tasked to write a draft law, Rep. Cordell Hull (D-TN) wrote a fifteen-page bill that experienced modest resistance and was largely adopted. Simultaneously, the Wilson Administration was moving to segregate the federal bureaucracy as lynchings and Confederate monument building reached their apex across the country.
While all the tax expenditures clearly favored the wealthy, almost all were enacted for other equally persuasive reasons. Life insurance benefits and charitable giving were given preferential treatment as they would limit demands on public services. Preferences given to state and local bond income as well as state and local tax payments were made in deference to constitutional concerns.
Over time, these tax expenditures have taken on increased value and generated powerful allies. Attempts to close the estate step up in basis exclusion and later the exclusion on capital gains were quickly rescinded.
Most of the changes over the past half century of supposed racial reconciliation has been to make these expenditures more valuable to wealthy, mostly White households.
In 1980, the fledgling Entertainment and Sports Programming Network delivered the first live television coverage of the NFL draft. The draft would become one of the biggest events on ESPN’s and the NFL’s calendars and demonstrate to the emerging cable industry that talk sold – sometimes better than the thing being talked about. Chapter 5 recounts how ESPN, for years the leading cable channel, built a multibillion-dollar business by nurturing an obsession with scouting athletic giftedness. The talent talk allowed the network to bridge the two dominant racial ideologies of the time, color blindness and multiculturalism, and model for other cable networks and media how to turn commentary into mass entertainment.
Williams fought a good fight for a better democracy and the collective equal rights of African Americans. He was not just a revolutionary voice and internationalist leader and voice in the Black Power movement, and should not be forgotten or dismissed because he maintained other reasons for raging his grievance towards the policies and practices of democracy in the United States. Robert F. Williams neither should be reduced to the status of a tool of Cold War politics nor to a study about armed self-defence. Rather, in his contesting the government's refusal to defend the human rights of 22 million African Americans, Williams' actions and uncompromising stance directly and affirmatively addressed the promise and rights guaranteed under US citizenship and the constitutional rights of the members of that society. Williams critically questioned numerous unjust acts and human rights violations, and waged (often a one-family man) war against America's inability to practice principles of freedom and democracy, when these mistreatments were ignored. Robert F. Williams was an independent thinker, a compassionate and intelligent man. He was a common man, and despite his lofty intelligence, he was an American, claiming his right to his American citizenship. He was acutely aware of the broken promises of the United States. Yet, he nonetheless remained fully invested in assuming all of the rights, privileges, and responsibilities the Constitution guaranteed American citizens of African descent.
August Wilson is one of the twentieth century's most important and acclaimed playwrights. This volume demonstrates Wilson's significance to contemporary theatre, culture, and politics by providing fresh and compelling insights into his life, practices, and contributions as an artist and public intellectual. Across four thematically organized sections, contributors situate Wilson's work in his social, cultural and political contexts, examine ongoing developments in Wilson studies, explore the production contexts of his plays, and explicate his dramaturgical sensibilities and strategies. This is the authoritative guide to Wilson's career and artistic legacy for students, theatre practitioners, and general readers interested in this remarkable figure.
Income inequality in America has been on the rise for decades, but policy and legal thought has yet to catch up. Both parties in the United States have been hesitant to intervene in the market to address this problem, while the income tax system has been touted as a better and more efficient way to tackle income inequality. However, the tax system itself has failed to keep pace with the widening gaps in income. Ending Income Inequality challenges arguments made by legal scholars in the field of law and economics, who have supported the tax system over redistributive legal rules. By examining specific areas of the law such as minimum wage, collective bargaining, antitrust law, intellectual property, and housing regulation, the book argues that using legal rules, in addition to income taxes, is a promising path to reverse rising inequality.
In Shakespeare Our Contemporary (1964), Polish critic Jan Kott defines one purpose of scholarship in the humanities that summarises the chief aim of this project: 'The writing of history and, above all, literary criticism can, and must, always be understood as an attempt to find in the past aspects of human experience that can shed light on the meaning of our own times'. That is precisely what From the 'Troubles' to Trumpism: Ireland and America, 1960-2023 attempts to do. Aided by the insights of Irish and Northern Irish playwrights, poets and novelists, this book uses America's historical relationship with Ireland and Northern Ireland as a means of understanding the rise of Trumpism and assessing its potential to incite a new American 'Troubles'. Three related aims are to demonstrate the interdependence of Ireland and the United States since the Famine in Ireland and the American Civil War in the nineteenth century; to delineate the political and economic obstacles in the latter decades of the last century that prevented this relationship from evolving into a more consequential partnership; and to identify the underappreciated leaders who played crucial roles in both the brokering of the Good Friday Agreement and the inception of a revised foreign policy.
In many areas experiencing severe impacts from climate change, it is not the state, but rather rebel groups who wield authority over populations. Rebels are often engaged in responding and adapting to the risks and impacts of climate change as part of their local governance efforts; however, a systematic consideration of the activities and implications has been lacking. This Element looks at a set of behaviors we call 'rebel environmental governance' (REG+). This refers to rebel actions aimed at protecting or managing the natural environment to affect civilian welfare amidst increasing pressures of climate change. A framework is advanced for understanding why rebels engage in environmental governance and the implications for security and climate governance. The Element brings rebel organizations into the conversation on climate change, highlighting their role in areas where state power is contested, weak, or absent. This title is also available as Open Access on Cambridge Core.
Chapter 2 explores how racial classifications within statutory law affected who gets to vote, immigrate to the United States, self-govern, or become citizens in the years after the Fourteenth Amendment. The chapter addresses current questions related to immigration and paths to citizenship, and also focuses on the criteria that have been used to determine both the qualifications for citizenship and the rights and obligations that come with it. Sovereignty and the ability to self-govern is the core question discussed in relation to indigenous peoples. The ways in which whiteness shaped the definition and exercise of citizenship and sovereignty are introduced, emerging more fully in subsequent chapters. The debates explored here demonstrate the centrality of the consistent demand for assimilation into “American culture,” with the concomitant justification of excluding those who cannot match our expectations of citizenship due to stereotypes of their culture and “race.” Students will reckon with the significance and intention behind the framing of a singular “American culture,” and the ongoing demands for and costs of racial and cultural assimilation.
The Introduction of the book exposes students to key concepts surrounding how U.S. law has constructed and maintained the idea of race in society. Introducing the framework of individual and systemic oppression, the chapter explores the dualistic role that the law plays in the democratic process by both advancing and preventing societal change, based on how it is wielded.
Chapter 3 encourages students to struggle with how some people have been geographically separated from Whites or divided within communities based on skin color, language, or cultural markers. This chapter explores how housing and education opportunities continue to be distinct today for different racialized populations, and the legal actions that have resulted from people living in segregated communities in the United States. Building on some of the most recent research on the relationships between law and segregation, the cases and excerpts in this chapter explore the role of law in forcing people to live in isolated neighborhoods, resulting in the depression of income for some and limiting the accumulation of wealth over generations based on race. Readers are asked to consider the ways in which local, state, and federal governments are responsible for ongoing inequities in the United States based on race, and the implications of such accountability.
Chapter 1 encourages students to investigate the Constitution’s role in upholding slavery, and how political values informed those decisions. This chapter highlights the differences between global and contemporary slavery versus the race-based chattel slavery seen in the U.S. and in the Americas/Carribbean, exploring how a nation founded on competing legal claims of equality and liberty denied personhood under the law to so many. It also examines how free African Americans, and some Whites, challenged these conflicting notions, and in what ways the law – in upholding property as a key liberty – also created and maintained slavery and racial distinctions. Slavery in the U.S. has not been a static concept; the law embedded slavery, institutionalizing it as a political structure that continued to evolve after formal emancipation. Finally, competing interpretations of the Constitution continue to impact how the nation evaluates its capacity to engage with robust and equitable definitions of liberty and equality. Students are asked to consider what might be the best interpretation of the Constitution’s engagement with slavery and why such competing definitions matter.