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This article explores the role of affect and sentiment in shaping cross-cultural encounters in late colonial Korea, as seen and experienced through the eyes of Japanese men and women who grew up in Seoul. By interweaving the oral and written testimonies of former settlers who came of age on the peninsula between the late 1920s and the end of colonial rule in 1945, the paper attempts to reconstruct their emotional journey into adulthood as young offspring of empire: specifically, how they apprehended colonialism, what they felt when encountering different segments of the Korean population, and in what ways their understanding of the world and themselves changed as a result of these interactions. Focusing on the intimate and everyday zones of contact in family and school life, this study more broadly offers a way to understand colonialism without reducing complex local interactions to abstract mechanisms of capital and bureaucratic rule.
From the vantage point of the Cold War's end, India's pursuit of a foreign policy based upon nonalignment now appears quaint at best and hypocritical at worst. It appears quaint because after its initial phase the policy ill-served India's interest and appears hypocritical because the country often failed to live up to its cherished principles. This was especially true after it signed a treaty of “peace, friendship and cooperation” with the Soviet Union effectively aligning India with the Soviet Union. Yet some understanding of the historical context that spawned the doctrine reveals that it was not bereft of utility to India's national interests.
Prime Minister Nehru, who was the principal architect of independent India's foreign policy, had fashioned this doctrine for a number of compelling reasons. Perhaps the most compelling were the memories of British colonial domination. Consequently, the notion of subordinating the nascent country's foreign policy to the interests and proclivities of either emergent superpower bloc was repugnant. Nehru was also acutely concerned about the possibilities of Bonapartism and the militarization of Indian society. Associating India with one of the two power blocs could, in his view, lead India to divert its scarce resources toward unwanted military spending. Finally, nonalignment was also part of a larger strategy to transform the global order. Nehru and others had hoped that it would contribute to the strength of multilateral fora, hobble the use of force in international politics, reduce global inequalities, and bring an end to the last remnants of colonialism.