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La historia intelectual de la Renta Básica Universal (RBU) se ha reconstruido desde genealogías europeas y estadounidenses que relegan a América Latina a un papel secundario, asociado casi exclusivamente a las transferencias condicionadas de las décadas de 1990 y 2000. Este artículo recupera un episodio temprano y poco atendido: la propuesta de “repartir en efectivo” formulada por Gabriel Zaid en 1973 en México. Situada en el contexto de las críticas latinoamericanas al desarrollismo y los debates sobre la integración de poblaciones campesinas e indígenas, la intervención de Zaid articula el núcleo conceptual de la RBU dos décadas antes de la incorporación de América Latina al canon internacional. Desde un enfoque semasiológico y una lectura de intenciones skinneriana, el análisis muestra afinidades con discusiones internacionales (preferencia por el efectivo frente a la provisión en especie) y rasgos propios latinoamericanos, en particular la articulación de redistribución monetaria universal con provisión focalizada de medios de producción. Su recuperación invita a ampliar la cartografía de la RBU más allá de los marcos centro-periferia.
This chapter explores how the stadium became central to a mode of political spectacle in France, from the mid-1920s up through the end of the Second World War, at a moment when it was also critical to politics elsewhere in Europe. A range of political luminaries and groups, from the anti-fascist Popular Front coalition to the Vichy regime, promoted stadium-based spectacles as a visible manifestation of political vitality, mass support and masculine citizenship. The stadium gave politicians a vast spectator space that proved ideal for staging political rallies, political plays or religious ceremonies that both aspired to transform spectators into active participants and that entailed efforts to discipline the public. But while the crowd may have been disciplined and mobilized inside the stadium, it also eluded those constraints and often disappointed those politicians seeking to create a unified public. In the years after the Second World War, the French stadium gradually disappeared as a pre-eminent staging-ground for mass politics, as the stadium crowd itself became progressively depoliticized.
In this chapter the author uses detailed local and regional archival, press and other records to show how the festival was celebrated throughout France. To demonstrate the wide-ranging nature of the celebrations, records from major cities, in particular Lyon, Bordeaux, Strasbourg, and Angers are used, as are those from large towns such as Amiens, Orleans, Grenoble and Bailleul as well as villages and hamlets in the Ile de France, the Dordogne and the alpine region. These records are analysed to demonstrate the national focus on the festival and how, despite the different ways in which the various communities celebrated it, the general tenor not only closely followed Robespierre’s original design but became genuinely specifically positive and individual local celebrations gives a clear impression of the national acceptance of the idea of a new and republican morality.
This chapter attempts to evaluate and examine the development of Robespierre’s thinking on the subject of public morality from his first writing on the subject in his Essay in 1789 from his early speeches to the Assembly and the Jacobin Club through his five great speeches of 1973-4. It traces the development of Robespierre’s language though his references to public virtue and probity and his insistence on the interdependence of freedom and public morality from his speech in defence of religious liberty on 1 Frimaire Year 2 ( 21 November 1793) though his speech on 17 Pluviôse ( 5 February 1794) on the moral principles which must guide the nation, the speech which introduced the Great Terror and leading finally to his speech of 18 Floréal (7 May 1794) inviting France to accept the twin principles of a Supreme Being and of the immortality of the soul and establishing not only the Festival to be held on 20 Prairial (8th June 1794) but also a further thirty-five minor festivals to be held during the year.
Village India, edited by McKim Marriott and included in a series on cultures and civilisations edited by Robert Redfield and Milton Singer, was a widely read and influential book published in 1955 at the beginning of the ‘village studies era’ in modern Indian anthropology. For Redfield and Singer, the two main questions were whether the Indian village as a ‘little community’ was ‘isolable’, and how Indian culture and civilisation could be understood through village studies. But for several of the eight contributing authors to Village India, especially M. N. Srinivas—who edited India’s Villages, also published in 1955—the principal subject matter was the structure of the village community itself, together with its unity and autonomy, and most readers tended to take the same view. There were various reasons for this, including Redfield and Singer’s failure to explain the book’s aims and objectives clearly in their foreword. Moreover, only Marriott seriously discussed their question about understanding Indian civilisation. Also important was Louis Dumont and David Pocock’s article reviewing both Village India and India’s Villages. Dumont and Pocock’s insistence that the village is not a crucial ‘social fact’ in India, together with Srinivas’s later response, strengthened the belief that the village’s ‘sociological reality’ and unity, rather than its relationship with Indian civilisation, was the key question discussed in Village India. This retrospective analysis of Village India sheds new light on its production and reception, and on its role in the development of modern Indian anthropology.
This article examines the postwar Franco-Italian struggle over Sudameris (Banque Française et Italienne pour l’Amérique du Sud), a multinational bank operating across South America. After 1945, Paribas sought to transform Sudameris into a French institution, backed by government pressure and asset sequestration. Italy’s Banca Commerciale Italiana (BCI) resisted, regaining majority control in 1948 through strategic share acquisitions. The ensuing conflict (1948–1955) centered on executive power. Paribas relied on French corporate law to maintain managerial dominance, while the BCI finally succeeded in appointing an Italian managing director in 1955. Under Italian leadership, Sudameris shifted from transactional to relationship banking in South America, reversing stagnation and achieving renewed growth by 1960. Sudameris’s early postwar history reveals how postwar European economic rivalries extended into South America and how multinational banks adapted to nationalist environments amid the contradictory forces of regional integration and global competition.
This article analyses the fifteenth-century Arabic panegyric for Sultan Jaqmaq (r. 1438–1453), Taʾlīf al-ṭāhir fī shiyam al-Malik al-Ẓāhir (The pure composition on the character of the King al-Ẓāhir), by the Syrian poet-historian Aḥmad ibn ʿArabshāh (1389–1450). It focuses on how the author engages with the Dulgadirid and Aqquyunlu Türkmen in the context of the new sultan’s attempts to repair fraught, decades-long relationships with these groups. Challenging the expectations of a highly literary text praising the ruler, Ibn ʿArabshāh’s writing offers sophisticated engagement with the political tensions of the time and provides insight into how the Cairo Sultanate navigated the complex networks of its northern frontier through rhetoric and realpolitik. By examining layered political commentary on the former rivals, allies, and antagonists of fifteenth-century Cairo—the article argues that Ibn ʿArabshāh utilised the previous 60 years of Türkmen–sultanate relations to stage a narrative of closure and reconciliation, in the wake of Barsbāy’s disastrous frontier campaigns, to better present Jaqmaq as a sovereign capable of reversing past missteps and ushering in a revitalised and prosperous geopolitical order.
What happened after the actual Festival? How the expectations of a new dawn, the possible end of the Terror and the proclamation of the Republic of Virtue were dashed by the Law of 22 Prairial. How Robespierre’s enemies in the Convention and its Committees advanced their conspiracy, finally coming to a head with Robespierre’s last speech of 8 Thermidor and the events of 9 and 10 Thermidor. The chapter also discusses how the desire for the reform of national morality did not disappear after Thermidor but continued through the post-Thermidorean and Directory periods. Despite the attempts to re-energise some form of state religion with Theophilanthropy and other cults, the idea of a Supreme Being persisted until the Napoleonic Concordat of 1801.
In 1897, an Indian dancer named Piaree Jehan petitioned the Bombay government seeking justice for her two granddaughters—Begum Jehan and Vajir Jehan—who died and allegedly disappeared, respectively, during their 1895–1896 England tour. As traditional sources of patronage for the performers declined owing to the colonial criminalisation of prostitution and rising anti-nautch sentiment in the second half of the nineteenth century, certain groups of Indian women performers started travelling to the British metropole for contractual performances. Despite promises of lucrative salaries and foreign travel, life in the imperial exhibitory spaces proved to be quite precarious. Through a close reading of Piaree’s petition and contemporary British newspaper reports, this article presents a microhistory of Indian women performers’ experience in the racialised and sexualised imperial circuits of performance. It shows how the British imperial government adopted a certain ‘politics of convenience’ to selectively sexualise Indian women performers to erase their contributions as transcultural workers for the empire. By doing so, the empire continued to economically and culturally benefit from the dancers’ labour while avoiding any responsibility towards remedying their working conditions. At the same time, focusing on Piaree’s affective argumentation, the article also demonstrates how the performers used the British legal system to make their voices heard. By writing petitions, demanding unpaid wages, refusing sexual offers, and forging kinship ties, Indian women performers repeatedly foregrounded their identities as professional creative workers. In doing so, they disrupted narratives of passive victimhood, challenged their hypersexualised colonial representations, and brought their overlooked contributions to the late nineteenth-century British stage to the fore.
Focusing on the late eighteenth-century kulliyat by Lutf un-Nisa ‘Imtiyāz’ (1733?–?), arguably the first published Urdu poetess, this article seeks to explore the mobility—primarily metaphorical rather than physical—of a remarkable woman overlooked in historical accounts dominated by the male gaze. This mobility is enacted through her metaphysical, emotional, and literary navigation of time and space, rather than through geographic movement. Imtiyāz’s maṣnavī, functioning as an autobiography, employs time and space metaphors to offer a counter-archive for early women’s writing, providing a unique perspective into early modern feminine subjectivities. The examination underscores Imtiyāz’s agency in shaping her narrative, intertwining religious intercessions, canonical compositions, and literary sophistication. The metaphoric navigation through space and time illustrates the resilience and creativity of this woman, transcending her geographical and temporal constraints. At its core, Imtiyāz’s maṣnavī stands as a testament to her innovation, interwoven with convention through life-writing, crafting a rich narrative tapestry resonating within and beyond South Asian realms.
The unprecedented mass displacement of civilians during the First World War represents a crucial component of the seminal catastrophe of the twentieth century. This chapter introduces refugee/evacuee politics in Austria-Hungary, in particular Cisleithania, and then explores the approach of the Habsburg administration towards refugees. The political framework for the transportation and housing of the refugees only came into being on 13 September 1914, by which time mass flight and deportations from the Eastern Front were already under way. According to a decree of the Ministry of the Interior issued on 15 September 1915, refugees accused of price driving in refugee districts should be deported into a refugee camp. Tight surveillance of the refugees did not prevent the outbreak of strikes and riots inside the refugee camps. A decided aim of educational and cultural policy was to 'alleviate homesickness and pain' among refugees.
This article explores how socio-ecological crises reshape the Köyceğiz-Dalyan region, Turkey’s first Special Environmental Protection Area, through a more-than-human approach. Based on multi-stage qualitative research conducted between 2018 and 2023, we argue that the region is experiencing interconnected socio-ecological crises that are transforming a long-standing multispecies web of life unique to the area. Our findings highlight two major shifts: first, deforestation, driven by agricultural land clearance, mining activities, and forest fires, has dismantled collaborative practices such as beekeeping, goat keeping, and small-scale agriculture, all of which sustained multispecies partnerships that maintained both biodiversity and traditional livelihoods. Second, waves of lifestyle migration, from middle-class retirees in the 1980s and 1990s to remote workers during COVID-19, have altered village demographics and transformed landscapes through construction that replaces agricultural lands and forests with residential developments. These interwoven transformations demonstrate how socio-ecological crises simultaneously unravel multispecies relationships, eliminate traditional sustainable livelihoods, and fragment life networks that once sustained both human communities and biodiversity.