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The campaigning season of 479 opened to a sense of uneasy calm for the Persians a continuing drain of resources or a secure frontier in the west. The first forces to move were the naval on either side. The Egyptian marines had been left with Mardonius and the land forces. A high proportion of Greek vessels and their crews have been drawn from Asiatic Greece. On Alexander's empty-handed return, Mardonius at once determined to march south, urged on by his Thessalian friends, especially the Aleuadae of Larissa whose regime depended on him. In Boeotia the Thebans urged him to make his base among them, and to try what bribery could do. For the Athenians, Xanthippus proposed to remain and liberate the Chersonese. In the end the force divided, the Peloponnesians sailing home as they desired, while Xanthippus crossed to the Chersonese and began the siege of Sestus.
Egypt may have recognized Darius from 522 onwards. A greater memorial to Darius is his codification of the laws of the Persian Empire, when the satrap was instructed to assemble 'the wise men among the warriors, priests, and all the scribes of Egypt' presumably the last period of normal life in Egypt. The polyglot nature of Achaemenid Egypt is nowhere better shown than in the accounts of the Memphite dockyards, which survive in several fragmentary Aramaic papyri, including the newly-discovered ones from Saqqara. One Egyptian institution created almost intractable problems for any foreign administration: the temples. The new Saqqara texts can add a magnificent marriage document of the eleventh year of Darius, and an interesting record of self-sale or hire to a temple, a practice not otherwise known until much later. The Persian conquest left its impression, shaping the whole of Egyptian foreign policy and determining many of its national attitudes.
As far as the literary sources for Etruscan history are concerned, it must be realized that Greek and Roman historical writers were concerned exclusively with the Greek and Roman views of the episodes. These episodes brought Etruria into contact with the Greek states and with the growing power of Rome. The geographical distribution of the Villanovan culture covers southern Etruria and Tuscany south of the Apennines, central Emilia and the eastern Romagna to the north, Fermo in the Marche, and parts of Campania. The exchanges between Etruria and the outside world that had begun during the first half of the eighth century were subsequently put on a more solid footing by the activities of the second generation of Western Greeks. The monumental tumuli, erected in the Orientalizing period over multiple chamber tombs containing exotic luxury goods, are replaced by more numerous and more modest single-family chambers.
Identification and classification of the various languages may contribute to the identification of the peoples of ancient Italy and their connexions, while the best evidence for the indigenous institutions of these peoples is often to be found in the inscriptions. The study of these dead languages through inscriptions necessarily involves consideration of the alphabets in which the inscriptions are written, and the diffusion of writing in itself constitutes an important part of the cultural history of early Italy. There are some 10,000 Etruscan inscriptions, the earliest dated to the beginning of the seventh century, the most recent to the end of the first century. Contact with the Etruscans brought literacy to the peoples of northern Italy, whose languages are known from inscriptions written in the so called north Etruscan alphabets. The principal remains of Umbrian are the Iguvine Tables, seven bronze tablets containing over 4,000 words.
Pisistratus died in spring 527, but tyranny survived at Athens until 510. Pisistratus left three legitimate sons, Hippias, Hipparchus and Thessalus. Pisistratus' notion of tyranny had certainly included efforts to reach friendly relations with atleast some noble families and there is one clear case of his having recalled an exile, Cimon, towards the end of his life. For his sons' relationships with the nobles, little material existed until the publication in 1939 of a fragment of the archon-list for the first years of their rule, which has thrown valuable light on their use of the eponymous archonship for control and conciliation. When Pisistratus first came to power, Attica had been a country in which the local power of the great dynasts had been all-important. Athens itself had been not much more than the largest centre of population and the seat of some of the more important generally accepted cults.
In 517 BC, after the reconquest of Egypt by Darius, that the king of Gandara put in hand a reconnaissance of his eastern frontier, now effectively defined by the river Indus, which so often in subsequent centuries was to represent the boundary between India and Iran. The exact details of the voyage of Scylax of Caryanda, the navigator whose story later became known to the Greek world, have long been a subject of debate among historians in Europe. It has to be noted that no such place as Caspatyrus is known in ancient times along the Indus. A better reading of the name is provided by Stephanus Byzantinus in his entry under Caspapyrus. In any event, the Achaemenid provinces of Arachosia, Sattagydia and Gandara, with the tribal lands of Pactyica, the Aparytae and the Dadicae, and finally the province of Hindus were neatly skirted by the voyage of Scylax on the Indus.
By the time of the Persian Wars, when the great sea battles, Lade in 494 BC, Salamis and Mycale in 480 and 479, brought sea power into the political reckoning of Greeks and Persians, the Greeks had worked out a far-ranging trade by sea. The Aegean region had become an important market centre. Pottery and metal-working establishments served the local market and offered their goods for sale to traders collecting a cargo for export. The goods carried for trade were conditioned by the nature of the markets that they had to serve in Aegean cities, Greek colonies and foreign lands. Until the latter part of the seventh century Greek trade was relatively simple in organization and on a small scale. The trade in metals was enlarged by iron from the region of Sinope in the Black Sea and by new sources of precious metals. Regular Greek trade with Egypt began relatively late, in the last quarter of the seventh century.
The Persian rule over Anatolia under Darius and Xerxes was a continuation of the take-over initiated by Cyrus when he pushed across the Halys to Lydia and captured Sardis. The major problem of controlling Western Anatolia was symbiosis with the Greeks. The districts along the south coast of Anatolia, from Caria to Pamphylia, with their orientation to the Mediterranean and their Bronze Age heritage any more than they had been culturally dominated by Hittites, Phrygians and Lydians. The neighbours of Pamphylia were the inhabitants of the mountainous stretch of Cilicia. The pattern of Persian domination in the heartland of Phrygia, part of the satrapy of Dascylium, can be reconstructed tentatively from the excavations of the citadel and tombs of Gordium. A Pontic blend of Greek and Persian art decorated façades of rock-cut tombs in Paphlagonia in the later fifth and fourth centuries BC.
The development of thought and ideas during the period, 750 to 500 BC, in which the city state came into being have been heavily affected by three factors: the continuing influence of the epic tradition, the spread of literacy, and the social, political and economic changes associated with the polis itself. Individuals like Hesiod and Archilochus as well as self-declared sages played their part like the earlier Presocratics. The period was one of major changes in the whole literary and intellectual sphere, beginning as it did with Homer and ending with the rise of philosophy and drama. In tracing the development of ideas, one is at least entitled to assume that the mental capacities implied in Homer were the equal possession of many of his contemporaries. Finally the development of law and order that had been an essential part of social and political evolution depended heavily on the control of vendetta and the rationalizing of archaic ideas about pollution.
Datis and Artaphernes had shown how vulnerable Athens was to a seaborne attack in order to make a landing on the coast of Attica. Paros was one of the states which had sent a trireme and a crew to serve under Persian command against Athens. Like the Egyptians and the Phoenicians, the Persians relied on huge labour forces for the construction of such public works as the canal dug in the reign of Darius from the Nile to the Red Sea. Persia was justly famous for the royal roads, of which Herodotus described one, from Sardis to Susa. These roads were built by hand by large labour-forces; thus a third of Xerxes' army built a road across the Pierian range. The expeditionary force of Xerxes was certainly much larger than the army left with Mardonius. The Greeks on the League Council had chosen Thermopylae and Artemisium as stations close enough together for intercommunication some weeks before the Persians reached Macedonia.